CHAPTER II

1 Tarsus had a property rating to qualify for citizenship. On the �linen­weavers’, who did not possess it, see Dio of Prusa, Orations XXXIV (the �Second Tarsic’), 21 and 23.

2 See the important study of D. Nörr in Tijdschrift, 1963, 525fr

3 Fontes I, no. 21, § 126

4 Fontes I, no. 24, § 53

5 D. 50.1. 29. See also SEG, vol. XIV, no. 479 (or XVI, no. 408), 1.12

6 Nörr, op. cit., 556, note 50, speaks of the �well-nigh unsurveyable litera­ture’ on the topic, and gives a lot of it. One side of the controversy is represented by F. De Visscher in Les Edits d’Auguste decouverts a Cyrtne (1940, reprinted 1965), io8ff, the opposite by V. Arangio-Ruiz in Scritti giuridici in onore di Francesco Carnelutti IV (1950), 5öff. Nörr himself takes an acceptable view, and A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (1963) [RSNT], i8iff, should be read (so indeed should the whole passage from p. 175 on, and pp. 144fr as well)

7 Cicero, pro Balbo, 28

8 The new evidence, which raised all the discussion, was the grant of citizen­ship by Octavian as triumvir to the sea-captain Seleucus of Rhosos, Fontes I, no. 55, and the 3rd Edict of Cyrene, Fontes I, no 68 (p. 408) which was quoted above in Chapter I, p. 21

9 â€?Rechtszuständigkeiten’, Nörr, Tijdschrift, 1963, 555. Paul surely thought of himself as having two citizenships

10 See Seleucus of Rhosos, above, note 8

11 A brief description by W. Seston and Μ. Euzennat is in Comptes Rendus de I’Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1961, 3iyf

12 See J. Triantaphyllopoulos in Akte des IV. internationalen Kongresses für griechische und lateinische Epigraphik, Wien, 1962 (1964), 399fr, and in Iura, 1963, 109fr

13 Pliny, Ep.

14 Though as to Latins, see below

15 �By the rod’, see Pliny, Ep. VII, 16, 4

16 Gaius, Inst. I, 32b-34, gives some

17 E.g. Fontes I, nos. 70 and 71

18 Apocolocyntosis divi Claudii, 3 (follows Petronius in the Loeb edition)

19 See G. L. Cheesman, The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army (1914), 32-4; H. M. D. Parker, The Roman Legions² (1958), 237-46; C. G. Starr, The Roman Imperial Navy 31 B.C-A.D. 324² (i960), 89-94

20 E.g. Fontes I, no. 27

21 And the auxiliaries lost it about ad 140, except for their senior ranks, perhaps because the legions were complaining: H. Nesselhauf in Historia, 1959, 434& On the law applying to soldiers in general see the studies of E. Sander in Rheinisches Museum, 1958, I52ff and 193 ff, and i960, 289#*

22 Asconius, in Pisonianam, Oxford Text, ed. A. C. Clark, p. 3

23 See Dessau, ILS, nos. 6779 to 6781

24 Gai. Inst. I, 75

25 See Sherwin-White, RSNT, 154-5

26 Cassius Dio, LX, 17, 5-8

27 Vespasian gave the �Latin right’ to the whole of Spain, Pliny, Natural History IH, 30

28 If there was any proof; but see the disgraceful conduct of Cicero, ad Att. VII, 2, 8

29 This is dogmatism. H. M. Last in a famous note (Cambridge Ancient History X, 888ff) set out the evidence and came to a different conclusion, but the fact remains that the only direct evidence for the date of the statute is that Justinian’s Institutes, I, 5. 3 call it lex lunia Norbana, which must be a law proposed by the consuls of ad 19. Recent scholars (Arangio-Ruiz, Kaser, Volterra, Nicholas) all put against this statute the remark �? ad 19’, except M. de Dominicis in Tijdschrift, 1965, 558ff, who rejects �Norbana’, though he does not adduce any new grounds

30 Pliny, Ep. VII, 16,4 and X, 104, respectively

31 Fontes III, no. 11

32 Titles from Ulpian V, 4, in Fontes II (p.

33 Gai. Inst, I, 80

34 Gai. Inst. I, 78

35 Titles from Ulpian XIX, 4, in Fontes II (p. 280)

36 See, for example, E. Cuq, Manuel des institutions juridiques des romains (1917), 93; Buckland, Textbook, 93; Zulueta, The Institutes of Gaius U, 27

37 For example, M. Kaser in Studi in onore di Vincenzo Arangio-Ruiz {1952-3) II, 13 iff, mostly following M. Wlassak in ZSS, 1907, U4ff

38 Titles from Ulpian DI, in Fontes II (pp. 266-7)

39 Nicholas, Introduction, 65

40 Implied by Gai. Inst. I, 22-3

41 Pliny, Ep. X, 5, 2

42 Gai. Inst. 1,13-15. See, however, Jones, Studies, Essay no. VIII, also Sherwin- White, Pliny, 569

42a See D. Norr, Imperium und Polis in der hohen Prinzipatszeit (Munchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 50) (i9Laws regarding Slavery as a Source for Social History of the Period of the Second Temple, the Mishnah and Talmud, in J. G. Weiss, ed., Papers of the Institute ofJewish Studies, London, 1,1964, iff

Finley, Comparative Studies (see the note above), 236 and 248-9; and see, for example, Driver and Miles, The Babylonian Laws I, 222-3

D. 4. 4. 11. 5

D. 21.1. 23. 3

On the army see Pliny, Ep. X, 29-30

Juvenal, Satires VI, 222

Antoninus Pius, quoted at D. i. 6. 2

D. 5. 1. 53

D. 9. 2. 5 pr. and 9. 2. 23. 9

K. M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution (English edition, 1964), 15 For the law, see D. 29. 5 and the �Opinions of Paulus’, Pauli Sententiae, III, 5, in Fontes II (pp. 361-2) Tacitus, Annals XIV, 42-5

Pliny, Ep. Ill, 114, 5

D. 18. 1. 5

D. 5. 1. 53

99 D. 4. 2. 8. 1

100 Except in Egypt, where it looks as if recovery was not possible: see E. Volterra in Studi Besta I (1939), 466-7

101 Pliny, Ep. X, 65-6. Volterra, in the article cited above, accepted by Sherwin- White, Pliny, 654, argues that the Greek and Roman rules were exactly the opposite way round; but I do not think that the word ideo in Trajan’s answer to Pliny need necessarily imply �since there is no rule for Bithynia we must uphold the local custom’ rather than �since there is no rule for Bithynia here is a Roman rule for you to apply’.

102 Shown exhaustively by R. Reggi, Liber homo bona fide serviens (1958), but stated already with characteristic brevity by Buckland, Roman Law of Slavery, 331

103 D. 22.6.1.2 talks about it under �errors of fact and not of law’

104 Pliny, Ep. VI, 25; cf. ILS, no. 8506

105 D. 12.1. 41;/. 45. 3. 34

106 Dio of Prusa, Orations XV, 23 and 13, respectively

107 Petronius, Satyricon, 57, 4

108 Collado legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum XIV, 2,1, in Fontes II (p. 577)

109 Pauli Sententiae V, 6,14, in Fontesll (pp. 395-6). Lateracrime: D. 48.15.1 no D. 43. 29 and D. 10.4.13

in D. 18. 1, frags, 4, 5,6 pr. and 70

112 D. 40. 12, frags. 14 and 20. 4

113 D. 40.12.23.1

114 Buckland discusses the problem, with less than his usual magisterial con­fidence, in Roman Law of Slavery, 427S

115 See M. I. Finley in RHDFE, 1965, 1598*, and the two recent studies of paramone: B. Adams, Paramon^ und verwandte Texte (1964), especially 44ff and 112-13, ^and A. E. Samuel in Journal of Juristic Papyrology, 1965,22iff. Paramon^ covers a complex group of transactions, including, besides things akin to self-enslavement, a common Greek relationship of freed­man to patron, and also free labour contracts, not involving diminution of status and not necessarily lasting for long periods

116 Petronius, Satyricon, 117, 5-6

117 Gai. Inst. 1,159-63

118 For discussion of both die rules and the purposes of the sc. Claudianum see P. R. C. Weaver in CR, 1964,137ff and Cl. Qu., 1965,324-5; see also CR, 1967, 7-8.

119 See Weaver in Cl. Qu., 1963, 272ff; 1964, 1348* and 31 iff; 1965, 1458* and 323ff; in JRS, 1964, 1 i7ff; in CR, 1964,1378*; in Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society [Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc.], 1964, 74ff; and in Historia, 1964, 188ff and 1965, 4608*

120 Tacitus, Annals XII, 53

121 Titles from Ulpian XX, 16, in Fontes II (p. 284); and see Buckland, Roman Law of Slavery, 325

122 Weaver in CL Qu., 1964, 315

123 As to the figure there is some uncertainty; see Jones, Studies, 30. For the actual wealth of average senators see Duncan-Jones in PBSR, 19(55, 178 and 188: a normal �social* minimum senatorial fortune in Pliny’s time was perhaps about 8 million, and in the late second century 20 million was short of real riches

124 Jones, Studies, 3off

125 See Μ. I. Henderson in JRS, 1963, (5iff

126 Cicero, II in Verrem II, I2off

127 Pliny, Ep. X, 79,1

128 The Table of Heraclea, Fontes I, no. 13, io8ff

129 The lex coloniae Genetivae luliae site Ursonensis, Fontes I, no. 21, § 105

130 Tab. Here., nos. LXXXIII and LXXXIV