Elite governance at the sub-sectoral level: the case of policy networks
Policy network analysis has become the dominant paradigm for studying policy-making in European Political Science and has been applied at every level of governance (Rhodes 1997).
Jack Walker (1989), for instance, analyses national elite policy networks which he argues exist in the transnational policy domain, while others use policy network analysis to understand sub-sectoral policy making within European Union, central, intergovernmental and local governance (see Marsh and Rhodes 1992). Policy network analysis is even employed as a method of comparative enquiry (see Marsh (ed.) 1998).Network analysis proceeds from three simple, if contestable, assumptions about the nature of policy-making in liberal democracies. First, policy-making is the outcome of the interaction between policy networks, hierarchies (i.e. governmental structures) and markets. Secondly, it is an empirical regularity that policy communities are the most common form of network found in liberal democracies. These are tight-knit decision-making structures characterized by a limited number of privileged participants in a resource dependent relationship. Thirdly, policy communities constitute an elite system of governance.
In a seminal article, J. K. Benson (1982: 148) defines policy networks as a, ‘cluster or complex of organizations connected to each other by resource dependencies and distinguished from other clusters or complexes by breaks in the structure of resource dependencies’. The concept of a policy network is thus employed as a generic term to categorize the relationship between groups, third sector organizations and government/ government agencies. Within the general categorization there are different types of policy network. These can be situated along a continuum with policy communities at one end of the spectrum and issue networks at the other. In a policy community there is a limited number of participants who share values on policy outcomes with a limited number of decision-making centres (see Table 2.1).
All participants have resources that are integral to successful policy development. Hence the basic relationship between actors is an exchange relationship based upon resource dependency. Decisions are made with the exclusion of the public and legislatures. If a policy community exists it is possible to depoliticize a policy arena by excluding groups from the policy-making process who are likely to disagree with the established policy agenda. This process of gate-keeping maintains the status quo and establishes insiders and outsiders in the policy process. In contrast, in an issue network there exists a broad range of policy actors moving in and out of the policy arena with different conceptions of the public good engaged in a war of ideas. Hence, policy-making is more likely to be pluralistic.Most network analysts tend to emphasize the dominance of sectional interests within the policy-making process, particularly in liberal democracies with centralized systems of governance such as Greece or the UK (Chondroleou 2002). This is reflected in the identification of closed elite- driven policy communities in which elite circulation is dependent on the bargaining resources of the sectional interests involved. In the edited volume Policy Networks in British Government (1992), David Marsh and Rod Rhodes, together with a team of research students and junior lecturers at the University of Essex, provided an empirical test of what has become the dominant approach to the study of policy networks - the Rhodes model (see Table 2.1). Rhodes’s meso-level typology was combined with a limited macro-level analysis with the aim of assessing policy network effects on policy outcomes and, by implication, policy change. However, Marsh and Rhodes (1992: 260) conclude that: ‘networks are but one component of an explanation of policy change - there is no agreed definition of, or criterion for measuring, the degree of change in policy networks’. Hence, for Marsh and Rhodes, while networks matter, policy network analysis itself was not equipped to provide an explanation of policy change.
The notion of a policy network does appear to capture some of the key features of contemporary governance - collaboration between state and non-state actors in the delivery of public goods at the sub-sectoral level; the importance of resource dependency; the increasing influence of privileged groups in policy-making at the sub-sectoral level; and, the multi-level character of contemporary governance. However, policy network analysis itself has self-evident shortcomings as an explanatory theory of policy-making (see Dowding 2001 and Evans 2001). Minimally, an explanatory theory involves a systematically related set of statements, including some law-like generalizations that are empirically testable. Policy network analysis does not meet this definition. At best it may be viewed as a metaphor that likens policy formation to the outcome of interactions between governmental and non-governmental actors within a network setting but does not explain how and why they change over time. This argument does not negate the importance of the policy network approach. A sound model is not necessarily one that purely explains or predicts with precision. It can be one rich with implications. Novel hypotheses may be extracted from the policy network approach which must themselves be articulated in a systematic fashion and subject to empirical test.
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