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The state still matters: but it may no longer do the things it did

In this section we turn to the issue of the role that the state plays in contem­porary society. Many have argued that the nation state has been hollowed out by a series of related processes.

As we indicated earlier, in this volume we have concentrated on four processes that many see as related: globalization; a shift from a modern to a postmodern state; a move from government to governance; and the decline of the public sector, with a concomitant increase in role played by the private sector in governance. Here, we shall argue, following the lead of our contributors, that, to the extent that such processes have been occurring, they do not mean that the role of the state has declined in any simplistic way. Rather, the role of the state has changed, so that we need a more subtle and complex analysis of the contemporary state, something that this volume begins to provide.

Clearly, this volume identifies changes within economic, political and social processes which have affected the state. David Marsh and Nicki Smith and Nicky Hothi analyse the ways in which changes, perceived and actual, in the global economy, probably more accurately characterized as internation­alisation than globalization, have impacted upon the autonomy and sovereignty of the state. Similarly, George Sorensen identifies a change from a modern to a postmodern state. The modern state was based upon a community of people with linguistic, cultural and historical bonds, and as such a common identity, a national government, which was centralized, if democratic, and a primarily domestic economy. In contrast, in the post­modern state government is more differentiated and multi-level, identities are more complex, with both subnational (often ethnic) and supranational elements (European identity or Islamic identity), and the economic system is increasingly international. At the same time, Guy Peters and Jon Pierre discuss the putative move from government to governance, marked by a move towards a multi-level governance based on networks, rather than hierarchy or markets (a distinction we discuss at more length below).

Finally, Matthew Flinders focuses on the expansion of delegated governance, where state control and accountability are weakened and the role of the private sector increased.

The key point here however, is that, while each of these contributions acknowledges that the processes they identify have, to an extent, changed the role of the state, none see this as necessarily indicating a decline in the state’s role. Rather, they argue that any view that the importance and centrality of the state is being eroded is simplistic. So, while globalization, whether seen in material or ideational terms, may have transformed the context in which the state operates, it has not rendered it less important, because the state remains a crucial actor in these globalizing processes. Similarly, while postmodern states, if such they be, may have lost some direct control over policy formulation and implementation, they retain crucial legitimating and co-ordinating roles. Consequently, modern governance involves the state in more complex relationships with other governmental and societal actors, but it doesn’t inevitably reduce its role or its power. Crucially then, the relationship between state and societal, or public and private, actors should not be conceived in zero-sum terms, with one ‘side’ exercising power at the expense of the other.

Another way of approaching these issues is to invoke the distinction between networks, hierarchies and markets as modes of governance (Williamson 1985; Thompson etal. 1991). Hierarchy as a mode of govern­ance involves close links (a strong coupling) between the public and the private sphere, with centralized control exercised by government. In contrast, the market involves a more heterogeneous mode of governance in which there is no structural coupling, with outcomes the result of market interactions between public and private actors without the state performing any co-ordinating role. For many, given that hierarchical modes of govern­ance increasingly seem outdated and that there is growing dissatisfaction with market-led solutions, networks are seen as an increasingly attractive, and increasingly common, mode of governance (Thompson 2003).

Here, the state still has a key role, it still exerts power, but it does so less directly in the context of, and to an extent through, networks, in which actors have shared interests (it is a positive-sum game) and develop interdependent relationships based on reciprocity, trust and solidarity (Lowndes and Skelcher 1998). Three points are important here. First, as Thompson suggests, it is misguided to see these modes of governance as necessarily mutually exclusive, rather networks may coexist with hierarchies and markets. Second, to the extent that networks are becoming the dominant mode of governance, then the role of the state remains vital as it provides a crucial co-ordinating and legitimating role. Third, of the three modes of governance only markets involve a more limited role for the state and we would argue that, in a political system like the UK, markets are relatively less important as a mode of governance with hierarchy probably still being the dominant mode, even if networks are becoming more important (on this see Marsh, Richards and Smith 2001).

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Source: Hay Colin, Lister Michael, Marsh David (eds.). The State: Theories and Issues. Palgrave,2005. — 336 p.. 2005

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