Conclusion
Warfare remains horrific, but in the twenty-first century in the West, societies have developed certain messages or myths to negotiate and facilitate its practice. The Global War on Terror has been a remarkable series of interwoven conflicts that have ostensibly transcended ghosts of past wars such as the Vietnam War and its constraining legacy of young men cut down in their prime and transported back home in body bags though the deliberate manipulation of stain-resistant myths.
People in Britain look back to World War I and the censorship regime put in place by the government to mask the deaths of almost one million soldiers from the British Empire largely on the Western Front with incredulity. Yet the major wars of the early twenty-first century have witnessed a remarkable degree of cooperative self-censorship through the media, political messaging, academic writing, and the anodyne language of warfare put out by the military institutions conducting the wars. The combined effect, wittingly or unwittingly, has been the marginalisation of the human costs in Afghanistan and Iraq of the military interventions for the indigenous people of those countries.Myths have played a very important part in this process of social delusion. The idea that the fighting has occurred within some framework of an antiseptic battlefield, in which regime forces have been separated hermetically from the populace, has been foundationally undermined by the disproportionate level of casualties amongst civilians and the sheer volume of bullets expended. The myth of precision killing has masked the return to favour of strategic bombing and air power in general, but the limitations of these technologies witnessed in the unhelpful failure of common GPS navigation aids in vehicles in Washington and London on a daily basis belies the veracity of these inflated claims in combat.
‘Targeted killing’ through the emergence of killer apps such as the Predator drone and its successors is without question the most persistent and pernicious myth. How pilots based in the United States and the United Kingdom can fly drones in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria and kill insurgents/terrorists with absolute precision with no costs to innocents with weapons designed to destroy tanks and houses defies any form of logic.The use of armed drones to conduct illegal operations that infringe on the sovereign territory/airspace of nation states is not warfare per se but rather the twenty-first century equivalent of gunboat diplomacy that found favour with colonial powers in the nineteenth century in order to project global power to cower or subjugate less advanced nations/tribes with more powerful technology. Unfortunately, such is the mediating power of the ‘target killing’ myth that such parallels and lessons of unacceptable colonial/imperial practices of the past are lost in technology.
Notes
1. On Barthes’s myth concept, cf. also Bliesemann de Guevara, Chap. 2, and Müller and Sondermann, Chap. 13.
2. See also Millar, Chap. 9, on the mutually implicated myths of the democratic control of the armed forces and militarism.
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