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Historical and Constitutional Background

We observed earlier that the third century ad featured political, social and economic decay with mounting external pressures that brought the Roman Empire to the verge of collapse.

However, the Empire had enough internal strength to recover and endure. In the later part of that century, a succession of capable soldier-emperors (Claudius Gothicus ad 268-270, Aurelian ad 270-275, Probus ad 276-282) began the work of restoring the crumbling state. The work of these emperors paved the way for the systematic changes of structure initiated by Diocletian (ad 285-305) and completed by Constantine the Great (ad 306-337). Like Augustus three centuries earlier, Diocletian realized the temper of the times and integrated the elements developed in the chaotic era into a system that had the permanence of a constitutional form. Thus he succeeded in re-establishing peace and regular government within the realm, and in strengthening the imperial frontiers against foreign foes. However, the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine marked a signifi­cant stage in the abandonment of the outward forms and guiding spirit of the Augustan system of government. As the autocratic tendencies that had strengthened over the previous years prevailed, the republican facade of the Principate was replaced by an unconcealed and unlimited monarchy supported by a complex and ever-growing bureaucratic apparatus. The transformation of the Roman state and society that transpired under Diocletian and Constantine inaugurated the last phase of Roman history, known as the ‘Dominate’ (dominatus), and in many respects it ushered in the medieval world as well.

The Empire in the third century had been plagued by three interconnected problems: the weakness of imperial power, the inadequacy of the Empire’s admin­istrative organization and widespread economic decline.

The character of Diocletian’s regime is reflected in the solutions he devised for these problems. The remedy for the first problem was the elevation of the emperor to the status of an absolute monarch, endowed with the dignity and attributes of an oriental god-king and set apart by an intricate framework of ceremonial and court etiquette. Diocletian’s response to the Empire’s administrative weakness was the introduction of the system of the Tetrarchy. Recognising that the Empire could not be governed effectively by a single ruler or from a single administrative centre, he devised a system whereby imperial rule was divided while at the same time the principle of imperial unity remained intact. In ad 285, he appointed Maximian (one of his most capable generals) as Caesar and co-ruler. In ad 286, Maximian was promoted to Augustus and acquired rule over the West while Diocletian assumed rulership of the East. In ad 293 each Augustus appointed a Caesar as his assistant and successor, and the four ruled jointly with each controlling one quarter of the Empire. From his capital city of Nicomedia, Diocletian ruled over Asia, Egypt and Thrace; while his Caesar, Galerius, governed the Balkan peninsula. Maximian had a seat of govern­ment at Mediolanum (Milan) where he controlled Italy, Africa and Spain; while his Caesar, Constantius Chlorus, ruled over Britain and Gaul. To ensure closer super­vision of the provinces, the Tetrarchs drastically reorganized provincial adminis­tration: the provinces were reduced in size, more than doubled in number and grouped into new districts called dioceses that were each governed by a vicar. The dioceses were in turn grouped into four prefectures, each headed by a prefect who served directly under one of the four emperors. At the same time, civil authority within a province was separated from military authority in such a manner that effectively foiled any prospect of rebellion from ambitious provincial officials. To reverse the Empire’s economic malaise the Tetrarchs instituted currency and taxation reform, enacted price regulation measures and extended state control over the productive resources of the Empire.

In ad 305, Diocletian and Maximian abdicated at the initiative of the former.

The two Caesars, Constantius Chlorus and Galerius, became the new Augusti and each named a Caesar as his aid and heir. However, when Constantius died in ad 306 the system of Tetrarchy broke down and a power struggle began among the remaining emperors and the sons of Maximian and Constantius. It was not until AD 326 that the conflict was finally settled in favour of Constantine, the son of Constantius. Constantine ruled alone until he died in ad 337, although in ad 317 he appointed his sons as Caesars. The new emperor made full use of his autocratic power to complete the political, administrative, economic and military reforms initiated by Diocletian. During his reign, the aggrandisement of the emperor’s position was further exaggerated by the ideological extension of the emperor’s ruling power over the entire world; the division of the Empire into provinces, dioceses and prefectures was mainly retained; the regimentation of large sections of the population into rigidly defined hereditary castes according to occupation, function and office was further recognized; and the Tetrarchs’ financial, taxation and monetary policies were continued. Constantine’s reign is marked by two dramatic new developments: the rise of Christianity as the dominant religion of the Empire and the establishment of a new imperial capital in the East (ad 330). Perceiving Christianity as a potential binding force within the Empire, Constantine took the new religion under his protection and granted the Church and its clergy numerous rights and privileges. Convinced that unity within the Church was important for sustaining the Empire, he also endeavoured to use his imperial prestige and influence to settle theological disputes that arose among the Church leaders. Constantine’s decision to establish a new capital city testifies to the fact that the Empire’s political and economic centre of gravity had shifted inexorably to the East. The new city, called Constantine’s city or Constantinople, was located on the old site of Byzantium at the crossroads between Europe and Asia Minor.
This location not only provided Constantinople with immense economic vitality, but also made it an effective political and admin­istrative centre. Like Rome, the new city was excluded from the standard provincial and diocesan organization; it had its own senate, modelled on that of Rome; its inhabitants received the privilege of free distributions of grain; and the city’s highest official was promoted to the rank of the Roman praefectus urbi (ad 359). Rome retained its rank as a capital city, although the emperors seldom resided in the location during this period.

Following Constantine’s death in ad 337, the Empire was divided among his three surviving sons: Constantine II, Constans and Constantius II. After a period of civil war, the latter became sole emperor in ad 353. He was in turn succeeded by Julian (ad 361-363), known for his failed attempt to revive Roman state paganism. In ad 364, Valentinian I recommenced the division of the Empire’s administration and granted the rule of the eastern half to his brother Valens. In ad 378, Valens was killed in battle trying to repel an invasion by the Visigoths and was succeeded by Theodosius I (ad 379) who became sole ruler of the Empire in ad 394. Theodosius, a staunch supporter of Christianity, was the last emperor who ruled over the Roman Empire in its entire extent. After his death, the Empire was divided anew between his two sons: Arcadius (ad 395-408) governed Constantinople and the East; and Honorius (ad 395-423), though only 11 years old, was the nominal ruler of the West. Although a fiction of imperial unity was preserved, the two parts of the Empire increasingly diverged in both the legislative and administration spheres. The division of the Empire appears to have been unavoidable in face of the mounting difficulties confronting the Roman state. In particular, the external pressures on the imperial frontiers increased. By the end of the fourth century, the Rhine-Danube frontier yielded and this accelerated the process of Germanic tribes infiltrating the Empire’s provinces so that whole nations migrated into Roman territory.

These invasions accompanied and aggravated growing social and eco­nomic problems within the Empire itself.

The social and economic development of the Roman world in the later imperial era is directly linked with the profound changes prompted by the crisis of the third century. The pressure of military, fiscal and administrative demands engendered a hitherto unknown degree of state planning and managerial intervention in every aspect of socio-economic life. The emperors extended the reach of the state: for instance, they compelled citizens to perform various tasks for the state's benefit by rendering these tasks hereditary and creating a vast bureaucratic network in an effort to maintain control. Ultimately, however, this policy failed to accomplish its desired goals and socio-economic conditions steadily deteriorated (especially in the more backward Western provinces). Clear indications of the altered structure and direction of the Roman society embrace: the sharp decline of the free peasantry and the extension of the colonate system over large areas; the decay of the urban aristocracy (decuriones, curiales) owing to the onerous burden of taxation and the incessant excessive demands imposed upon its members by the state; the power consolidation of the senatorial land barons and the growing inability of the central government to control them; and the further polarization between the impoverished masses (humiliores or tenuiores) and the concentrated wealth and power of privileged dignitaries (honestiores or potentiores). The transformation of the Roman state into a machinery of power supported by relatively small groups and the consequent absolutization of state demands provoked the refusal of large sections of the population to identify themselves with the state. With mounting indifference to the state's fate and few individuals prepared to sustain the regime, the forces of dissolution acquired momentum and the demise of the political system of the late Empire appeared unavoidable.

The fifth century witnessed the total disintegration of the Western Roman Empire, in the face of successive large-scale invasions by Germanic tribes.

During this period, imperial authority in the West was reduced to a shadow and true power lay in the hands of the German warlords who commanded the barbarized Roman armies. Western Roman Emperors continued to rule in name until ad 476 when Romulus Augustulus was deposed by the German general who had placed him on the throne and the imperial insignia were returned to Constantinople. By ad 500, the Western provinces of the Empire were in the hands of various Germanic tribes: the Ostrogoths ruled Italy; the Vandals had established themselves in North Africa; the Visigoths controlled south-western Gaul and Spain; the Burgundians were settled in south-eastern Gaul; the Franks held northern Gaul; and the Angles and Saxons were settled in England. With the disintegration of the Roman Empire in the West, the public institutions of the Roman state yielded to the more primitive personal loyalty of the barbarians to their chieftains. The urban centres that had been at the heart of Greco-Roman civilization were destroyed or withered away; and economic life reverted to an agricultural and pastoral type geared to maintaining local self-sufficiency.

While the Roman Empire in the West succumbed to the Germanic invaders, the Eastern Empire survived the crisis with its institutions and frontiers largely intact. The emperors at Constantinople successfully guarded their territory in Asia Minor against the restored power of Persia, and resisted the infiltration of the Germanic barbarians and the decentralizing influence of the great land barons. Factors that contributed to the survival of the Empire in the East included its greater material resources, the strength of its more developed urban society, and the greater homo­geneity and loyalty of its population. From this base, the gifted ruler Justinian worked for the restoration of the old Empire to its former greatness.

1.5.1.1     The Late Roman State

With the transformation of the imperial power into an absolute monarchy, the emperor was clearly recognised as divine monarch (dominus et deus) and as the sole authority in all spheres of government (administrative, military, legislative and judicial). Moreover, after the elevation of Christianity to state religion he occupied a quasi-ecclesiastical position vis-a-vis the official Church. In this position, the emperor exercised control over Church matters with a responsibility for the formu­lation and implementation of religious policy. Although in principle the emperor was virtually omnipotent, established norms guided his exercise of functions and powers in the administrative, legislative and judicial spheres.[74] He had the power to change these norms as he saw fit, but as long as they remained in force he was bound to observe them to transform his decisions into practical results. Even though the emperor was held to exist above the laws in the sense that he could not be held responsible for his legislative and administrative acts, he was bound to respect the laws and abide by his own edicts as his authority ultimately rested on obedience to them.

When carrying out the various tasks of government, the emperor relied upon a machinery of official and non-official confidants who proffered him advice and assisted him in the formulation of policy decisions. He also depended upon an apparatus of execution that translated his decisions into the realities of the political process.[75] Among the most important civil functionaries of this period was the magister officiorum (master of the offices): he was chief of the imperial secretariats (scrinia), supervised the division of the various imperial offices and regulated imperial audiences. Another key official was the quaestor sacri palatii (magistrate of the sacred palace) who was the emperor's Minister of Justice. This official prepared the drafts of laws and answers to petitions, and presided over the imperial Council of State when the latter met in the absence of the emperor. The Council of State (sacrum consistorium) consisted of the highest officials of the imperial civil service that acted as the emperor's advisory council in legislative, administrative and judicial matters. It also operated as an imperial court of justice, usually dealing with appeals from decisions of the lower courts.[76] Besides the officials resident at the central imperial court, an important branch of the administrative apparatus consisted of officials engaged in provincial rather than central government. The latter formed a separate administrative hierarchy whose structure was linked with the territorial division of the Empire into prefectures, dioceses and provinces. The highest-ranking civil official of the provincial administration was the praetorian prefect (praefectus praetorio), the officer heading the administration of each of the four prefectures (Gaul, Italy, Illyricum and the Orient) into which the Empire was divided. Subordinate to the prefects were the chiefs of dioceses, called vicars (vicarii), and the provincial governors. The cities of Rome and Constantinople were exempt from diocesan government and each was administered by a city prefect (praefectus urbi). The intricate administrative machinery of the Late Empire was designed to secure efficient administration, and maintain order and regularity for revenue collection and judicial proceedings. Despite the tight controls that theoretically existed, the system was rife with corruption as office holders sought career advancement and self-enrichment at the expense of civilians. The increased burden imposed on taxpayers by the enlarged civil and military establishments was thus aggravated by the officials’ extortion practices. In ad 368, the newly created office of defensor civitatis or defensor plebis was entrusted with the protection of the lower classes within the population against abuses committed by state officials and great landowners. However, the institution of the defensor civitatis ultimately failed to achieve its declared goal as many of those individuals who held the office often committed abuses themselves or were prone to manipulation through bribery or intimidation.

During the late imperial age, the institutions of the ancient republican system no longer had the least political importance. The assemblies of the Roman people had long disappeared. Some of the old republican magistracies continued to exist, but they were divested of all their former powers. The consulship was still regarded as a high honour and was frequently held by the emperor himself. However, it was now a purely honorary office without political importance. The praetors and quaestors also continued to exist but only in an honorary capacity. The senate was retained and, in fact, a second senate was established in Constantinople (c. ad 340). This body retained a certain prestige and dignity, and its members formed the highest rank of imperial subjects from which the heads of the imperial civil service and army were chosen. However, the actual administration of Rome and Constantinople was in the hands of the urban prefects and their subordinates, and the only political role the senate played was in the inauguration of a new emperor. Occasionally, the senate was requested to offer its advice to the emperor on current affairs; it conferred with imperial officials on matters concerning the senatorial class and presented legislative proposals that were then submitted to the emperor by the city prefect. However, it no longer operated as a court of justice with jurisdiction over its own members (trials involving senators now proceeded before the city prefect or a provincial governor).[77]

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Source: Mousourakis G.. Fundamentals of Roman Private Law. Springer, 2012.— 366 p.. 2012

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