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The historical background

As we saw in chapter 9, the fifth century AD is marked by the complete breakdown of the Roman state in the West. During this period of disintegration the process of infiltration of the western provinces by Germanic barbarians, first as legionaries and later as settlers, became greatly accelerated until whole nations migrated into Roman territory, power passing from Roman officials to Germanic kings.

South-western Gaul and Spain fell under the control of the Visigoths in 412 AD; about the same time the Burgundians moved into south eastern Gaul, while the Ripuarian Franks and the Alamani established themselves in northern Gaul; the Vandals invaded northern Africa where they established their own kingdom in 429 AD; the Angles and Saxons moved into England in about 430 AD; the Italian peninsula, largely isolated by the establishment of the Visigoths in the northwest and the Vandals in the south, became an easy prey to another Germanic people, the Ostrogoths, in 488 AD. About ten years earlier, in 476 AD, the last West-Roman emperor, Romulus Augustulus, had been deposed by his Germanic mercenaries, led by Odoacer, and the imperial insignia were returned to Constantinople. In the sixth century Justinian succeeded in reconquering Africa (533 AD), Italy and even a part of Visigothic Spain (c. 554 AD), but his conquests proved short-lived. A few years after his death in 565 AD Spain fell again to the Visigoths and Italy was overrun by another Germanic tribe, the Lombards, who gradually extended their dominion over most of the country. About half a century earlier, in 507, Clovis, king of the Salian Franks, subdued the Visigoths of southwestern Gaul and added their territory to his Frankish kingdom. In 531 the Franks seized the remaining Visigothic possessions in Gaul and, three years later, they overthrew the Burgundians, bringing all of Gaul under Frankish rule.

With the disintegration of the Roman empire Europe moved slowly but surely into what is generally known as the Middle Ages.

During this period of transition the civilisation and forms of social and cultural life which had been characteristic of the Greco-Roman world gradually broke down. Urban life, which had been the ideal of the Greeks and which the Romans had introduced throughout the Mediterranean basin, declined and many towns disappeared altogether giving way to forms of habitation built around fortified manors and small village communities. Although some of the great urban centres in Italy and Gaul continued to exhibit signs of commercial activity, trade and industry decayed and economic life reverted to an agricultural and pastoral type geared to maintaining local self­sufficiency. At the same time, as centralised authority everywhere disintegrated, political conditions moved towards the decentralised localism associated with the feudal system, and the economically self­sufficient manor became the principal economic and administrative unit. Moreover, as a result of the confusion caused by the Germanic invasions and the decay of the cities, which had been for centuries the centres for learning and the propagation of ideas, general culture in the West declined sharply and illiteracy became widespread. Nevertheless, vestiges of the classical civilisation remained alive throughout this period and, in the course of time, their fusion with the crude culture of the Germanic peoples and the learning of Christianity produced a new cultural synthesis. Of great importance for the development of medieval civilisation was the fact that most of western Europe passed to peoples already Christianised or soon to become so and that the Church, chiefly through the monasteries, was able to become the guardian of the remnants of ancient culture.

By the end of the sixth century the great Germanic migrations into western Europe were over. But of all the Germanic kingdoms established in the lands of the former Roman empire of the West only that of the Franks was destined to endure, whilst most of the others disappeared after a brief existence.[1333] The first great Frankish dynasty was that of the Merovingians, founded by Clovis (481-511).

Under Clovis the Merovingian rule was transformed from the leadership of a loosely organised tribe of Germans to a strong kingship extending over the whole of Gaul. But in the years following Clovis's death the development of the Frankish kingdom was hindered by the political division of the land and the disunity of his successors who continuously intrigued and fought against each other for power.[1334] Under these circumstances royal authority weakened and the kings came to rely upon an increasingly independent group of nobles for sustenance, advice and support in war, which they repaid with grants of land, offices and privileges. Notwithstanding the feebleness of Clovis's successors, the Frankish kingdom, aided by the Catholic Church, not only survived as a single realm but even expanded its territory. Of the nobles in the court the most powerful was an official styled maior domus, or mayor of the palace. From the middle of the seventh century, as royal authority declined, the mayors of the palace in the respective courts became the real rulers of the kingdom. In 681 Pippin II of Heristal, mayor of the palace of Austrasia (one of the three provinces into which the Frankish domain had been divided), made himself mayor of all the united Frankish kingdom. After Pippin's death his illegitimate son Charles Martel (714-741), who had succeeded his father in the office of mayor of the palace, gained control of the realm and, although he did not take the royal title himself, became the founder of a new line of rulers known as the Carolingians. Charles' grip on power was secured further after he defeated the Arabs, who had already overrun Spain, at the battle of Poitiers (732), thus stemming their further advance into western Europe. His son Pippin the Short, who became mayor of the palace after his father's death, deposed the Merovingian for whom he ruled and, with the backing of the Church, assumed the title of the king of the Franks in 751. To secure the support of the Church, which he needed in order to legitimise his rule, Pippin offered the Pope his protection against the Lombards, who were then threatening Rome, and ceded to him the Exarchate of Ravenna (in northern Italy) which he took by conquest from the Lombards after the latter had driven out the last remnants of the Byzantine garrisons.
By the time of his death, in 768, the borders of the Frankish kingdom had been extended into the Lowlands, Lombardy and the Pyrenees.

The greatest monarch in the Carolingian line was Pippin's son Charles, known to history as Charlemagne (768-814), who became sole ruler of the Franks on the death of his brother Carloman in 771. After a long series of wars Charlemagne put an end to the Lombard kingdom in northern Italy making himself its ruler (774), subdued the Saxons adding a large tract of territory in Germany to the Frankish realm, strengthened his suzerainty over Bavaria and the area which would later become Austria and repulsed the Arabs beyond the Pyrenees gaining control of Barcelona. Like his predecessors, he followed a policy of close cooperation with the Church. He confirmed the grant of territory in Italy which had been previously presented to the Pope by his father and made it part of his policy to spread the Christian faith in the newly conquered lands. The partnership between the Carolingians and the Papacy culminated in Charlemagne's coronation by Pope Leo III as Emperor in Rome on 25 December 800.[1335] In internal affairs Charlemagne did much to promote centralised rule. He exercised general supervision over the Church using the Church organisation as a vehicle for extending his authority, held the nobles in check (although he often sought their advice in matters of state policy), and ensured closer supervision of the administration by appointing counts and margraves to govern the various parts of his realm. Moreover, he ordered the unwritten laws of the various tribes to be written down, and earlier codes, such as the Salic Code of the Franks {Lex Salica), to be edited authoritatively. Although the legal traditions of each locality were fully respected, Charlemagne, by virtue of his position as head of the empire, issued edicts, known as capitularies, applicable to all his subjects. These statutes were not merely statements of popular customs promulgated by a ruling chief; they were the decrees of a sovereign ruler whose will was the source of law, according to the well-known doctrine of Roman law.

Charlemagne's reign also witnessed a revival of learning and artistic and literary activity. In monasteries and palace schools classical texts were once again studied, theological problems pondered, books collected and ancient manuscripts copied. In contrast with these achievements, however, in the economic sphere little progress was made as the feudal and manorialising tendencies of the landlord class increasingly escaped from the control of the central government.

The establishment of a Western empire by Charlemagne was one of the most important events in the rise of a new society in western Europe. Just as the reign of Justinian had precipitated the emergence of Byzantine civilisation, so the achievements of Charlemagne helped to mould the civilisation of western Europe which began to take shape in his time. But in the years following Charlemagne's death the unity of the Frankish empire was broken and political authority everywhere tended to disintegrate. During the ninth and tenth centuries new invaders - Norse Vikings, Saracens, Magyars and Slavs - threatened Europe from all sides and Charlemagne's successors, weakened by continuous dynastic struggles, were unable to check their advance. In the wake of the devastation caused by war and plundering economic conditions worsened, living standards remained at a low level and learning was stifled. The permanent threat of invasion and the inability of the kings to protect and assert their authority over the local communities of their realms strengthened the centrifugal tendencies in the West and feudalism, with its politically divisive and economically retarding influences, became widespread.[1336] As the influence of central authority diminished real power passed into the hands of feudal lords, who came to enjoy essential sovereignty in their own domains, being virtually immune from royal interference. Moreover, the weakness of central authority led to the rise of the power of the Church, which adapted itself to the feudal system by building up vast landholdings and by extending its influence through its own vassals and serfs.

As Church officials became feudal lords themselves the division of power between Church and state (the former was supposed to be supreme in matters of faith and morals, the latter in temporal affairs) became difficult to maintain in practice and thus the foundations were laid for the contest between secular and ecclesiastical authorities that was to take place during the later Middle Ages.

In the eleventh century Europe entered a period of political, economic and cultural transformation. The decentralising tendencies which had led to political fragmentation and the expansion of feudalism gradually receded as political authority grew progressively stronger with the rise of powerful new monarchies. The Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, which had been established in the middle of the tenth century by Otto the Great (936-973), asserted its authority throughout the domains of the Carolingian Empire, with the exception of France, and expanded its territories to the east; the kingdom of France, under a new line of rulers initiated by Hugh Capet (987-996), was consolidating itself; well organised Norman kingdoms were being formed in southern Italy and in England; in Spain Arab power declined and, by the close of the eleventh century, Christian rule had been extended beyond the centre of the Iberian peninsula. At the same time the government of the Church was centralised at Rome and, strengthened by a series of reforms initiated by Pope Gregory VII (1073­1085), was soon able to enter into a contest for supremacy with the empire itself. Improved political conditions and the gradual return of order facilitated economic growth and gave medieval thought and culture a more favourable environment for development.

One of the most important developments which stimulated the economic and cultural revival of the eleventh and twelfth centuries was the rise of towns and the emergence of a new urban civilisation. Potent factors in urban growth were the rapid expansion of trade and the increase in popularity of fairs, i.e. organised occasions for commercial exchange. During the crusades the Mediterranean had been reopened as a major West European trading route and new trading possibilities were recognised and exploited. First to profit from this were the Italian coastal cities, such as Venice, Genoa and Pisa, which gained in strength, independence and prosperity. The increasing number, size and power of commercial cities naturally led to the growth of the urban middle class and the expansion of its political influence. This new urban class was a powerful force generating new currents in medieval Europe, as opposed to the inertia of the old agrarian feudal order. The latter was characterised by localism, uniformity and repetition, which made it inherently stagnant and custom­bound; by contrast, the urban movement, based upon diversity, novelty and a dynamic and more tolerant outlook on life promoted the introduction of novel social, economic, political and legal elements into medieval life and stimulated cultural endeavours. Townspeople, through their struggle for greater economic and political freedom, redirected the political evolution of Europe, speeding up the decline of feudalism and paving the way for the rise of nation states.

The new upward trend of culture manifested itself in a significant increase in literary and artistic output and educational activity, and a revival of classical studies. Side by side with the traditional forms of education, centred around monasteries and churches, secular education emerged as a vital force in the intellectual development of the European society. Unlike the ecclesiastical schools, where teaching concentrated mainly on dialectic and theology, secular schools focused also on practical subjects, such as medicine and law. It was in connection with the study of law that one of the most significant cultural developments occurred - the establishment of the first medieval universities. The organisation and administration of the medieval universities varied considerably, but there was a common element, namely they were organised like the guilds under a corporate form of control. In the early medieval schools, such as the famous law-school of Bologna, teachers and mature students organised themselves into closely knit communities in order to be able to pursue their scholarly interests free from outside interference. From the thirteenth century onwards an increasing number of universities were established throughout Europe and, by the close of the Middle Ages, more than seventy were in existence.

The eleventh and twelfth centuries are marked also by the long struggle for supremacy between the empire and the papacy. This struggle became known as the 'investiture contest' because it revolved around the right of secular authorities to participate in the choice of bishops and other churchmen and to invest them not only with their secular but also their spiritual authority. Pope Gregory VII (1073-1085) rejected the concept of the papacy as a bishopric of the emperor, demanding supreme authority in all Church affairs and asserting the supremacy of the Church over the state. Drawing upon the writings of early Church fathers, such as St Augustine, he contended that a ruler, whether a king or an emperor, was subject to the universal power of the Church and could only hold office as long as he performed his duties in accordance with Christian principles. The supporters of monarchical authority countered with the theory of the divine right of kings, arguing that while a king should rule justly and for the benefit of his subjects, for his failures he was answerable to God alone and not to priests. Gregory's theories and policies led to conflict with Emperor Henry IV (1056-1106) and war between the papal and the imperial parties raged sporadically throughout Europe until 1122. In that year a compromise was reached by means of a Concordat signed in the German city of Worms. The Concordat of Worms stipulated that the emperor should abandon the right of investing his bishops with the symbols of their spiritual authority and recognised the Church as a separate, autonomous body vested with jurisdiction over a defined constituency and governed by a distinct body of law, the canon law. At the same time recognition was given to non-ecclesiastical political entities and secular legal orders. The Concordat of Worms was a compromise which reflected a gain for the papacy. It was not until monarchs became powerful in fact, towards the close of the Medieval era, that they were able to effectively challenge the supremacy of the Church.

The period between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries witnessed the gradual transition of European civilisation from medievalism to the modem age. The most important factors in the institutional background of the decline of the medieval order was the emergence of strong nationalistic monarchies, the growth of towns and of the urban middle class and the decline of the Roman Catholic Church. In the years following the death of Emperor Frederick II (1250) the medieval concept of emperorship was undermined and Germany became, and for centuries remained, a collection of more or less independent principalities, duchies and bishoprics. Not until the rise of Prussia in the seventeenth century was there created a power which ultimately was able to unify the German states. In France feudal institutions were gradually abandoned and the country moved in the direction of a centralised state under the authority of the king. During the reigns of Louis IX (1226-1270) and his grandson Philip IV 'the Fair' (1285-1314) the power of the feudal lords was curbed, the administration was centralised and the jurisdiction of the king's courts was extended over the entire country. Philip became the first European monarch who was able to defy the Roman Catholic Church and, after his victory over Pope Boniface VIII (1294-1303), the papacy could never again safely contest the power of the French monarchy. In England, as in France, centralised political authority grew stronger. In Italy, after the decline of the German imperial influence, city states such as Venice, Genoa, Florence and Milan grew to independence and established themselves as leading financial, commercial and cultural centres. Finally, in the closing phase of the Middle Ages the power of the papacy, which had raised its pretensions to the highest level under Pope Innocent III (1198-1216), declined sharply following the triumph of nationalism and of nationalistic political theory over medieval theocratic unity. By the end of the fifteenth century the institutional basis of medievalism, namely a dominant agricultural economy, feudal politics and a universal and omnipotent Church was breaking down and, with the coming of the Renaissance, the dawn of the modem age was at hand.

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Source: Mousourakis George. The Historical and Institutional Context of Roman Law. Routledge,2003. — 480 p.. 2003

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