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Public choice, market failure and state failure

In order to understand why public choice theorists display such a hostile attitude towards the state, its development needs to be placed in the broader context of the history of economic theory.

One obvious starting­point here is perhaps the single most famous and influential work in economic theory, Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations. Smith (1776 [1983] Vol. 1: 12) argued that the ‘propensity to truck, barter and exchange’ are inherent features in human nature and the ultimate source of economic prosperity. When trading with each other, individuals will rigorously guard their self-interest. In doing so they will however be led, as if by an ‘invisible hand’, to promote the common good. This is because so long as there is sufficient competition, it will be in the interest of producers to try and maximize their profits by lowering prices and improving quality. However well-intentioned, state intervention, Smith argued, would usually threaten the operation of the invisible hand and undermine prosperity. Although other economists had previously extolled the virtues of competitive markets (see Rima 1996: 68-86), The Wealth of Nations was a landmark publication credited with destroying the intellectual foundations of mercantilism, the economic theory which held that a state’s prosperity requires the mainten­ance of a positive trade balance and so the erection of import barriers and the state-led encouragement of exports.

Over the next few hundred years, the academic discipline of economics was transformed. Smith’s ‘classical’ economics with its emphasis upon the wealth of nations gave way to a ‘neo-classical’ focus upon the satisfaction of preferences. Political economy gave way to micro-economics and, at the same time, verbal reasoning gave way to mathematical formulae. Yet Smith’s defence of laissez-faire economics nevertheless remained (Ingaro and Israel 1990).

In the immediate post-war years, economists like Kenneth Arrow and Gerald Debreu (Arrow and Debreu 1954) were feted for their demonstration that, in conditions of perfect competition, markets would ‘clear’ allowing profit-maximizing firms and utility-maximizing consumers to achieve a welfare-maximizing equilibrium. Yet, however technically impressive and rigorous, general equilibrium theorists like Arrow and Debreu were in many ways simply restating Smith’s 200-year-old argument about the invisible hand.

With the general parameters of general equilibrium theory having been set, a new generation of economists began to question the free-market orthodoxy in the late 1950s and early 1960s. As we will presently see, they were far from being the first to do so. But the willingness of these welfare economists to use the same basic methods as their rivals helped ensure their success. Arrow and Debreu had shown that perfect competition would lead to perfect results. Welfare economists argued that competition is rarely perfect and that markets frequently fail. I do not want to get sucked too far into the details of economic theory here. But the argument in subsequent sections will benefit from the discussion of three particular causes of market failure: monopoly, externalities and public goods (for an account of other forms of market failure see Sandler 2001: 20-6; and Stiglitz 1997: 27-64).

(i) Monopoly

For competition to be perfect there must be a large number of buyers and sellers who are individually unable to influence the price of their product. But many industries are very obviously dominated by, at most, a handful of firms who individually have a great deal of influence over prices. Firms with such monopoly power will be able to increase their profits by raising prices and restricting output. This will however reduce consumer welfare as those buying their product have to pay an inflated price.

(ii) Externalities

For competition to be perfect, the costs and benefits of producing and consuming a good must be borne exclusively by the person or persons producing and paying for it.

But in many cases the costs or benefits of production or consumption fall on third parties. In some cases these ‘external effects’ are positive. A well-tended garden benefits not only the person who planted it but those passing-by. At other times, external effects are negative. The costs of maintaining a factory fall not only on the owner who must pay for labour and raw materials but on neighbouring residents who must endure the resulting pollution and noise. Because producers and consumers have no reason to take account of these effects, too much will be produced of goods which generate negative externalities and too little of those goods which generate positive externalities.

(iii) Public goods

For competition to be perfect, goods must be private in the sense of being both excludable and rival. A good is excludable if its owner can control access to it. A good is rivalrous if its consumption by one person reduces the amount available to be consumed by others. Some goods are however public goods. Consider the beam emitted by a lighthouse. It is non-excludable because ships sailing by cannot be prevented from seeing it. It is non-rival because the benefit one ship derives from the light does not reduce the amount of light available for others. Where consumers have preferences for public goods the market will fail because individuals will not contribute toward the cost of goods they cannot be excluded from using.

When competition is perfect, there is, as Smith, Arrow and Debreu demonstrated no need for state intervention. But when competition is imperfect there would seem to be an obvious prima facie case for state intervention to either prevent or correct market failures. When there are monopolies there would seem to be a strong case for using the state to either break up that monopoly or to regulate its prices. When there are externalities there would seem to be a strong case for using the state to either subsidize or tax production. When there are public goods there would seem to be a strong case for state provision.

This is the political pay-off of welfare economics.

Public choice theory emerged in a handful of North American universities in the 1960s (Grofman 1995). One way of understanding it is as a reaction to and critique of the theory of market failure. Public choice theorists argued that whilst welfare economists had shown how and why the market might sometimes fail they had simply asserted rather than demonstrated the ability and willingness of the state to correct those failures. In comparing the virtues of the state with those of the market, welfare economists had made a misleading comparison between the reality of imperfect markets and the fiction of a perfect state. In actual fact, public choice theorists maintained, the state would fail for many of the same reasons as the market. They concluded that the comparison ought therefore to be between imperfect markets and an equally imperfect state; a comparison which would undermine much of the case for state intervention.

Why will the state so frequently fail? In the following section I want to show how monopolies, externalities and public goods can also afflict state provision. In the final part of this section I however want to tie the argument about state failure to the core assumption of self-interested behaviour. Monopolies, externalities and public goods do not, in themselves, cause markets to fail. People cause markets to fail. It is because entrepreneurs are self-interested profit-maximizers that they exploit monopoly positions by raising prices and reducing output. It is because factory owners are self-interested profit-maximizers that they take no account of the effects of their actions upon neighbouring residents. It is because individuals are self-interested utility-maximizers that they ‘free ride’ upon the provision of public goods (Olson 1971). But welfare economists apparently assumed that self-interest had its limits. For in extolling the possibilities of state intervention to correct for market failures, they assumed that those working for the state would act as benevolent guardians of the public interest.

Politicians, it was tacitly assumed, would set the right taxes to correct for negative externalities. Regulators, it was assumed, would set the right prices to control for the effects of monopoly and so on. It was upon this inconsistency that public choice theorists seized. Practical experience required, they argued, the extension of the assumption of self-interested behaviour to all actors. In itself, this does not mean that the state will fail. For it may well be possible to design institutions and policies in such a way that actors are led, in the pursuit of their self-interest, to further the common good. But the assumption of self-interest means that proponents of state intervention cannot simply take it for granted that the state will act in the required, welfare-maximizing, way. Just as self-interest can lead to market failure so too can it lead to state failure.

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Source: Hay Colin, Lister Michael, Marsh David (eds.). The State: Theories and Issues. Palgrave,2005. — 336 p.. 2005

More on the topic Public choice, market failure and state failure:

  1. Forms of state failure
  2. 8.8 Failure
  3. Public choice without prejudice
  4. Public choice
  5. The critique of public choice
  6. Chapter 4 Public Choice
  7. Chapter 12 Public/Private: The Boundaries of the State
  8. Adjudication of public crimes by the people may have been efficacious in the context of a small city-state composed of conservative farmers and middle-class citizens.
  9. Rational choice institutionalism
  10. The so-called ‘new institutionalism’ is a relatively recent addition to the pantheon of theories of the state and, like some of the other perspectives considered in this volume, it is by no means only a theory of the state