Transactional Practices as Levers of Legal Evolution
From its earliest history Roman law has allowed parties to shape the content of their legal relationships themselves (stipulatio, mancipatio). In practice, this ‘private self-shaping' would—certainly in the Republic—be carried out by the jurists (originally: the priests).
They would have drafted stipulationes and mancipationes which reflected the economic or other needs (e.g., inheritance planning) of transacting parties. The jurists will also have been instrumental in accommodating Greek-Hellenistic transactional practices into the Roman legal system. The outcome of evolutionary culling processes working on transactional practices may have influenced which practices would be subject to litigation and had the potential of triggering legal change. Some transactional practices became so common that they were deemed to be agreed and sometimes even evolved into rules of objective law (e.g., a licence to sell). Transactional practices were ‘levers of legal evolution'.[155] This is true for large areas of Roman private law, but there is no other legal institution than pignus and hypotheca where the formative effect of legal practice can be so clearly observed.[156] The structural coupling between law and economy through the pledge agreement (conventio pignoris) was what made the evolution of pignus and hypotheca into highly versatile security interests possible.[157]Private self-shaping in Roman law
Where in the fifth century bc the law of the Twelve Tables was enacted, the legal institutions mentioned therein were already existing ones. They were not created by the Roman legislator, but were the product of civil and commercial practices of the preceding centuries. The law of the Twelve Tables did not introduce these legal institutions, but assumes their pre-existence.5 In fact, archaic Roman law knew only two types of legal transactions (negotia): stipulatio and mancipatio.
They could be enforced with the legis actio sacramenti in personam (stipulatio) and the legis actio sacramenti in rem (mancipatio), respectively. This scantiness and formality of legal institutions did not entail that archaic law lacked flexibility.[158] The structure of these negotia allowed individuals to use them for many different purposes. Thus the contract of stipulatio was ‘an empty vessel that could be filled with every content’.[159] [160] Provided that the parties used the prescribed question-and-answer format, they could basically make any lawful agreement a valid and enforceable contract. This substantial flexibility (adaptability) must have been the reason for the longevity of the stipulatio, which continued to be used by Romans until well after the classical period. Its ancient origin did not detract from (or perhaps even contributed to) its popularity among the Romans of the Principate.But also the mancipatio, usually associated with legal areas (law of property, family law) where party autonomy does not prevail, gave much room to transacting parties to determine themselves the content of their legal relationship. The law of the Twelve Tables (tab. VI 1) provided: ‘cum nexum faciet mancipiumque, uti lingua nuncupassit, ita ius esto’.s This can be read as a legislative authorization for private ‘self-shaping’.[161] The declarations pronounced during the mancipatio ceremony (nuncupationes) made it so versatile.[162] [163] They enabled jurists to design variations of the original mancipatio, in order to meet new demands from society. The mancipatio could be used not only as a genuine sale but also for many other purposes. The mancipatio came to be used, often in combination with fiducia, for the formal release of debts (solutio per aes et libram), marriage (co-emptio), testament (mancipatio familiae), release from paternal power (emancipatio), and adoption (adoptio).n Most importantly, the mancipatio evolved into a general method of conveyance for res mancipi and became an essential component for the granting of security by way of fiducia cum creditore. The pactum fiduciae would enable the parties to further specify the legal consequences of the fiduciary transfer (e.g., creditor’s right of sale coupled with a duty to return any surplus)?2 In Cato’s pledge templates the conventio pignoris had a similar function for pignus,13 a function which it continued to have during the entire classical period?4 Standard form contracts In a time when there was hardly any dispositive law supplementing the terms of the parties' contracts, there was much room for party autonomy, allowing transacting parties themselves to determine the substance of their legal relationships. This is why transaction templates providing model documents for individual legal transactions were so important, not only in the time they were actually used by transacting parties but later also for the jurists as a treasure trove for designing dispositive rules.[164] In the Roman Empire (and beyond) contract templates and standard form contractual clauses were widespread in space and show a large degree of continuity in timed[165] As early as the time of the Republic, template collections circulated, often stemming from the Greek world. From the republican period we have the standard form pledging clauses recommended by Cato, which may have been derived from an earlier collection of templates possibly of Greek origin?[166] The loan and pledge agreements, auction announcements, and procedural documents in the Sulpicii archive were clearly based on standard form templates drafted by local jurists or copied from Rome or elsewhere?[167] Contractual licences to sell are common throughout the whole of the classical period in virtually identical format.1[168] Documents recording fiducia cum creditore from Campania (Pompeii, Herculaneum, Puteoli) and Baetica (Spain) show strong simil ar- ities in structure and content. The Formula Baetica is particularly interesting. The text of this mancipatio fidi fiduciae causa’ and the accompanying pactum fiduciae is engraved on a bronze tablet.[169] This bronze tablet was probably affixed to a wall of the office of a professional scribe or banker and must have served as a template for specific transfers of ownership by way of security?i It contained fictitious names of the parties and the land transferred as collateral and included several optional clauses (e.g., on secured debts) to adapt it to individual transactions. Evolution of transactional practices In particular, standard form contracts and standard clauses can be subject to evolutionary processes: there may be different versions of templates circulating for particular types of legal transactions (variation), certain versions may be preferred over others by transacting parties (selection) and templates often show a large degree of continuity (stabilization). My conjecture is that in private law an important evolutionary force is that people tend to select those transactional practices that they (or their legal advisers) think best suit their needs. What mechanisms exactly cause certain transactional practices to be transmitted more frequently than others? The research of Boyd and Richerson and others has shown that people's choices to prefer one cultural element over the other often follow certain identifiable patterns. The concept of what they call ‘biases' can be usefully applied to the transmission of legal variants in the form of transactional practices. Direct bias means that certain authorities function as ‘an information cost-saving device who have great influence on others' cultural beliefs', such as priests.33 This form of bias must have been instrumental for the evolution of Roman law. Certainly in the Republic private individuals would turn to the jurists in order to ask for advice on how to draft contracts, wills, and other legal transactions. From express to implied term to statutory rule One important economic function of the law is ‘to leave ultimate economic decisions to the parties, but to create institutions that clarify their choices, especially to default rules applicable when the express contract is silent/[184] These supplemental (dispositive) rules will often lower transaction costs as they will not have to be negotiated by the parties.[185] [186] [187] [188] [189] Supplemental legal rules ideally reflect what economically rational parties would have agreed had they chosen to write their intentions down in their contract. This is precisely what happened in the Roman law of secured transactions: contractual clauses which were common practice at the beginning of the classical period evolved into (supplemental or mandatory) rules in late classical law. Certain pledge agreements may have become so typical in certain situations that in the absence of express wording they were deemed also to have been made/1 For urban tenancies tenant's pledges of invecta et illata were so common that they were deemed to have been tacitly agreed/2 In respect of invecta et illata brought into rural premises, however, an express agreement continued to be required.43 The reason for this may have been that the invecta et illata of a tenant farmer were too important to be impliedly pledged: the tenant's livelihood would depend on themTh Where the nature of the property, which was pledged in order to secure loans, entailed that it would be used and/or yielded fruit (living accommodation, slaves, agricultural land) and the creditor was granted possession of it, it would be presumed not only that the creditor would be entitled to use it but also that the value of the use or the fruit would be deducted from principal and/or interest/5 The evolutionary sequence often is: (1) express agreement, (2) implied agreement, (3) legal rule. We can observe this in the evolution of the creditor's power of sale. The epigraphic sources show that in the first century ad express licences to sell were common (stage 1).[190] Pomp. D. 13.7.5 appears to indicate that during Pomponiuss time (second century ad) the creditor was impliedly authorized to sell the property (stage 2)?[191] For the third century ad Ulpian D. 13.7.4 makes clear that a licence to sell was no longer based on (express or implied) consent, but was inherent to the right of pledge (stage 3)?[192] There is in many (if not all) legal systems a thin (and not always clear) line between implied agreements and supplemental rules of law which apply irrespective of the parties' intentions. In Rome certainly, it is often impossible to distinguish between pacta tacita and dispositive rules of unwritten law?[193] The ‘statutory' pledges arising by operation of law for the benefit of the imperial treasury have evolved from ‘tacit' pledges, which in their turn evolved from express contractual provisions on pledge.[194] [195] [196] [197] [198] In many cases, the construction adopted in the sources that general pledges were impliedly agreed with the fiscal debtor was a pure fiction. Hellenistic transactional practices In the nineteenth century, Dernburg took the view that the use by the jurists of the Greek loan words hypotheca, hyperocha, and antichresis demonstrate a continuous influence of the Greek right of pledge on its Roman equivalent/1 For a long time this position was very influential among Romanists, until scholars like Manigk brought forward that most jurists do not use these words borrowed from the Greek or use them only occasionally. It is therefore no longer thought that there was a pervasive influence of Greek law(s)/2 However, it may not be a coincidence that in the Roman law of real security many expressions are derived from Greek/3 Rome's expansion into the Hellenistic economic world, with its highly differentiated business institutions, trade systems, and forms of credit, was the decisive factor for the evolution of the archaic, strictly Roman ius civile to a ‘world law' of the Mediterranean/'1 Hellenistic influences rather concerned the imitation of business practices than the reception of Greek laws.[199] [200] [201] [202] [203] For all variants of pledge discussed in this book it has been suggested that they have Greek-Hellenistic ancestors: pledge of invecta et illata, multiple pledge, conventional general pledge, statutory general pledge, antichresis, conditional sale, and the ‘Gordian' lien.56 Ideally this book would have contained more detailed comparative accounts of pignus, hypotheca, and security interests of other ancient laws. Nevertheless, on many occasions references are made to possible Greek- Hellenistic origins or influences on Roman law. The focus on classical Roman law also entails that any suggestion of how the Roman law of real security could have contributed to economic growth in the Roman empire must be qualified by the fact that Roman law did not apply to every credit transaction concluded within its boundaries, not even after the Constitutio Antoniniana of 212 ad.57 However, in the writings of jurists such as Scaevola and Marcianus we encounter rights of pledge which were granted over assets situated in the eastern part of the Roman empire. Gaius and Marcianus even wrote monographs on the formula hypothecaria: their consistent use of the Greek loan word hypotheca(ria) may be explained by their connections with the eastern part of the Roman empire/8 From this part of the empire many papyri have survived, recording grantings of real security which were similar to those used in the Western empire/9 even where these documents were not governed by Roman law, they reflect transactional practices that were commonly used throughout the Roman empire and which may have contributed to economic growth in the Roman empire in a manner similar to their Western counterparts. 2.3
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