2.2 The call to Leipzig
In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Law Faculty at the University of Leipzig was one of the most or, in Koschaker’s words,[96] the most prestigious Law Faculty in the whole of Germany.
Mitteis was a highly prominent name in the field of Roman law, as Emil Strohal was in the field of Civil law. Moreover, from 1911 onwards, another important Roman and Civil law scholar, Heinrich Siber, had held the Chair in Roman law, alongside Mitteis.[97]The call to Leipzig was in part unexpected and even surprising for Koschaker: he had been appointed to such a prestigious university, despite his young age - as Koschaker was still only thirty-five - to a prestigious university, and what is more, he had the chair that had previously belonged to Strohal, who died in 1914.[98] Stranger still, the Law Faculty offered Koschaker the Chair in both Roman law and German Civil law (Lehrstuhl für römisches und deutsches bürgerliches Recht), even though civil law was not part of his field of research.[99] He pointed out that he had no intention of changing his branch of study from Roman law to civil law, but the faculty nonetheless acquiesced.[100] There was quite a stir, as well as criticism surrounding the appointment of such a young scholar to Leipzig, considering as well that Koschaker did not have so many publications at the time and, in particular, only one on Roman law, his Habilitation monograph.[101]
Koschaker could not, of course, refuse such a great opportunity, a true springboard to academic success, and moreover, he could again work with Mitteis.[102]
The decision to move to Leipzig was one of the most significant in Koschaker’s life and, at the same time, the most satisfying. He wrote in his autobiography that the time in Leipzig, from 1915 to 1936, were the best years of his life.[103] During the 21 years he spent in Leipzig, Koschaker was offered a position in Munich and then in Vienna, but he refused them both.[104] The climate and people he found at Leipzig were highly receptive to his career and his studies, and it is worth analysing in depth the situation Koschaker found when he moved there.
The initial settling-in period was not easy for him, both with regard to the city and to the faculty, mainly because of the First World War. Koschaker spoke guardedly of the strong tendency of Leipzig’s citizens to throw themselves into political radicalism, with the consequence that the Saxon Social Democrats in Leipzig - before the Nazis came to power - were somewhat “more red” than everywhere else in Germany, and then, later, the “Browns” (the Nazis) were “more brown” than elsewhere.[105] A very positive aspect underlined by Koschaker, however, was the profound respect that the Ministry of Education had for the autonomy of the university until 1933.Over time, the situation at the Law Faculty improved; Koschaker felt increasingly at ease and, in particular, well accepted by his colleagues, which he considered a great personal success.[106] The association between Koschaker and Mitteis also evolved from that of a teacher-pupil relationship into a true friendship, both personal and academic, which was also true for his friendship with Siber. As has already been mentioned, Mitteis had been one of the most influential Roman law professors in the German-speaking countries since the end of the nineteenth century. He was not only one of the pioneers of the study of papyri, but also one of the first Roman law scholars to understand the necessity avoiding the risk of Roman law becoming increasingly neglected through its imposed “splendid isolation”. In 1891, Mitteis published a crucial work that indicated the new trend and direction that the research on Roman law should take: Reichsrecht und Volksrecht in den östlichen Provinzen des römischen Kaiserreichs.[107]
As Koschaker wrote many years later, Mitteis’ book was groundbreaking and opened up new orientations for Roman law studies. Thanks to Mitteis’ work, scholars began to deal with a huge number of new sources, in particular those coming from the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, and they opened their mind to studies, which had previously only been the domain of philologists, historians and theologists.[108]
At the same time, one must not forget that Mitteis had profoundly impressed Koschaker during his first period in Leipzig, as the former held a course in Pandektenexegese attended by around five hundred students.
During his classes, Mitteis was able to combine the methodology of the study of interpolations (Interpolationenforschung) from a juridical point of view with a dogmatic approach, looking at the connections between ancient Roman texts and contemporary legislation currently in force.[109] Furthermore, he had been an influential - though not a radical - representative of the trend of interpolationism and thanks to him, in 1909, the work for the Index Interpolationum began.[110]Mitteis was able to influence the young Koschaker with respect to textual criticism (Interpolationeforschung), as explained in more depth below,[111] even if his pupil has usually been considered a representative of the so-called Antikritik der Interpolationenforschung, namely a critic of interpolationism.[112]
Mitteis’ ability to bring together the dogmatic and pandectist approaches with new research trends and studies on papyri, not to mention his personal prestige and charisma, quickly led to the birth of the Mitteis School at the beginning of the twentieth century in Leipzig.[113] During the first two decades of the century, some of the most prominent Roman Law scholars and legal historians of the time spent several years at this school such as Hans Lewald,[114] Demetrios Pappulias,[115] Josef Aloys August Partsch,[116] Fritz Pringsheim,[117] Ernst Rabel,[118] Andreas Bertalan Schwarz,[119] Rafal Taubenschlag,[120] Egon Weiß,[121] Leopold Wenger,[122] Friedrich von Woeß[123] and, of course, Paul Koschaker, where they often worked together with one another.
Every Roman law scholar interested in the new trends of studies, focusing on the law of antiquity and the new - epigraphic, but, primarily, papyrological - sources, had to associate with this School and get in touch with its new groundbreaking methodology.
Almost every pupil and member in the Mitteis School tried to develop these new methodological approaches to the best of their abilities. In particular, two important trends developed within the School: the first was based on the comparative method as a means to study ancient law and Roman law (the so-called vergleichende Rechtsgeschichte). According to this trend - although scholars at times adopted different erspectives in their studies - this methodological approach sought to allow for the comparison with modern legislation, and in any case, did not call into question the supremacy of Roman law within the field of ancient laws. The most important representatives of the trend were Partsch, Rabel, Schwarz and Koschaker himself.The second scientific trend, on the contrary, was much more focused on the comparative study of ancient legal history: in this case the comparative approach was not a means to gaining a better understanding of ancient laws in order to subsequently compare them then with modern legislation, but in fact to reach a better understanding of purely ancient laws, from a historical perspective. This very innovative way of studying Ancient and Roman law - thus defined merely as one of the laws of the past, even if a very prominent one - was suggested by Wenger. He expounded the new trend of the so-called antike Rechtsgeschichte at the University of Vienna in 1904, during the inaugural lesson of his course (the Antrittsvorlesung)7 Wenger’s idea and purpose consisted in saving Roman law from the “splendid isolation” into which it had fallen after the crisis of the PandectÂscience (Pandektenwissenschaft) and the enactment of the German civil code (BGB). Since the use of Roman law as a foundation stone of modern legislation was no longer effective, it was necessary according to Wenger to study all the legal experiences of the past from a purely historical point of view. Roman law was thus seen as a historical- juridical phenomenon; it represented a very important legal experience but was one among other legal systems, such as Greek law or Babylonian law.
Wenger’s proposal was harshly criticised by many scholars, including Mitteis and Koschaker himself.
We can clearly understand how much Koschaker distanced himself from Wenger’s stances on antike Rechtsgeschichte in a discussion with Riccobono.[124] [125] In 1928, the eminent Italian scholar of Roman law at the University of Palermo and friend of Koschaker’s decided to write an article to comment on and support Mitteis’ criticism of Wenger’s theory.[126] Mitteis had actually published an article ten years before, in which he intensely disapproved of antike Rechtsgeschichte J9 In his text, Riccobono praised Mitteis’ stance, arguing that not only Wenger but also Koschaker had to be considered representatives of this new research trend whose goal was to achieve a universal legal history (Universalrechtsgeschichte), to which Riccobono himself was so alien.[127] [128] [129] Koschaker remained surprised at having been compared to Wenger and replied sternly in an article that appeared just a year later in the Savigny Zeitschrift.[130] In consideration of the good rapport between himself and Riccobono, Koschaker felt the need to clarify his position further, in the light of criticism received from Riccobono, and wrote him a letter on 22nd January 1930.[131]Just a month later, on 23rd February 1930, Koschaker wrote a letter to Francis de Zulueta, at the time Regius Professor for Civil law at the University of Oxford, to express his deep scepticism towards Wenger’s ideas on antike Rechtsgeschichte, which de Zulueta himself had recently criticised.[132] What is noteworthy is the fact that Koschaker had expressed his criticism towards the trend of antike Rechtsgeschichte since the early 1930s, but had done so in private, in writing two letters to colleagues, and it was not until 1937 and again in 1938, that he publicly began to refute Wenger’s stances on the study of ancient laws.[133] Nonetheless, not only did Wenger partially modify his programmatic approach to the study of antike Rechtsgeschichte over the course of time,[134] but he also founded the Institut für Papyrusforschung und Antike Rechtsgeschichte in Munich, in 1909, and established the so-called Beiträgen zur Papyrusforschung und Antiken Rechtsgeschichte, giving the new subject matter an important place for publication.[135]
Wenger was not the only scholar who worked with Mitteis at his School in Leipzig who tried to find a way out of the “splendid isolation” of Roman law.
As has already been mentioned, Partsch and Rabel attempted to do the same, albeit with a different approach and aims; both of them influenced Koschaker in his research.[136] Partsch and Rabel had a strong tendency to study ancient law through a comparative method, and Rabel himself was considered one of the founders of the German comparative law (Rechtsvergleichung)8 Even if both of them considered Kohler’s Universalrechtsgeschichte an unreachable (and not completely sharable) target, they did not have the same severe approach towards this trend as Koschaker, who criticised it harshly.[137] [138] Furthermore, one should also bear in mind the influential studies developed in Leipzig at this time by Fritz Pringsheim on Greek law and by Rafal Taubenschlag on papyri.[139]This was the atmosphere in which Koschaker found himself when he left Frankfurt am Main and moved to Leipzig: it was the most favourable environment that he could have expected with regard to his studies at the time. However, another circumstance that was hugely influential for Koschaker’s research at that time was his encounter with Benno Landsberger.[140] When Koschaker decided to accept the call to Leipzig, not only was the Law Faculty reputed to be one of the best in Germany, but there was the influential Semitisches Institut there too. Thanks to this Institute and the scholars who worked there, the University of Leipzig became the most important in Germany for studies in the field of Keilschriftswissenschaft during the twenties and thirties - until the Nazi racial legislation and reform of university study, together with the dismissal of Landsberger, led to its decline.[141] Koschaker held classes at the Institute, where he worked shoulder to shoulder with Landsberger and two other important professors: the Assyriologists Heinrich Zimmern and Franz Heinrich Weißbach.[142] Landsberger was an eminent - arguably the most eminent - Jewish Assyriologist and expert in Ancient Near Eastern studies (Altorientalist) during the 1920s and 30s; he was a pupil of Zimmern, Privatdozent in Leipzig from 1920, associate professor from 1926 to 1928, full professor from 1928 in Marburg - for a short time - and then again in Leipzig, until he was ousted in 1935 on account of his Jewish origins, and accepted the invitation to Ankara, leaving Germany just a few months before Koschaker moved to Berlin in 1936.[143]
During the years that Koschaker spent in Leipzig, a strong academic relationship burgeoned between him and Landsberger, and they both carried out research together and often taught together.[144] This scientific partnership led to the formation of a group of important scholars, both in the branch of Legal history, as well as in Altorientalistik (the field of studies on Ancient Near and Middle East), whose members were pupils of both Landsberger and Koschaker.[145] Thanks to Landsberger, colleagues from the Semitisches Institut and other experts in philological studies, Koschaker was able to develop an interdisciplinary approach to the study of ancient laws, and cuneiform law in particular, which he had deeply desired. Moreover, he was able to introduce the methodology of a jurist to a field of study which until then had been dominated by philologists and historians.[146]
It was, therefore, possible for Koschaker, from 1915 onwards, to improve his studies in cuneiform law and his language skills in Akkadian and Sumerian. After eleven years, the development of this field of studies and the prestige that Koschaker had acquired as a scholar of cuneiform law and Altorientalistik led to his decision to establish a new Institute. In fact, in 1926, he decided to use his influence to found a seminar for Near Eastern Legal history, the Seminar für orientalische Rechtsgeschichte, which was however later closed after the dismissal of Landsberger in 1935 and Koschaker’s call to Berlin in 1936.[147] In any case, it was the first time that a single Seminar had been devoted specifically to the study of Ancient Oriental Legal history in a German university. Koschaker had succeeded in his aim of legitimising the autonomy of this field of research and of giving it the equal status with other branches of the history of law, namely Roman law and antike Rechtsgeschichte.[148] Moreover, only a couple of years after his arrival in Leipzig, in 1917, he published another essential work in this field of studies: Rechtsvergleichende Studien zur Gesetzgebung Hammurapis, Königs von Babylon. This important book, dedicated to Strohal, who died in 1914,[149] was the result of a long period of work that began around 1906, which was then interrupted and eventually resumed around 1911, during the years that he spent in Prague. The main results of Koschaker’s research were already at his disposal in 1913, when he decided to explain them at an international legal historians’ congress in London.[150] Nonetheless, given the problems of publishing the work during WWI and his desire for it to reach a wide audience, Koschaker spent another three years contemplating his research and studying the new sources discovered in the meantime. If, according to the words of Partsch,[151] BabylonischÂassyrisches Bürgschaftsrecht represented a groundbreaking work, the new 1917 monograph continued this research trend, making Koschaker one of the most prominent young scholars in the field - he was at the time thirty-eight.
The titles of both these works reveal in any case, albeit indirectly, Koschaker’s systematic tendency in his researches,[152] which was one of the distinguishing features of his studies, and which deserves, therefore, further analysis on the following pages.
More on the topic 2.2 The call to Leipzig:
- 4.2 The call to Tübingen
- 2.5 Koschaker’s final years in Leipzig and the road to Berlin in 1936
- From Graz to Leipzig (1897-1936)
- 2.3 Dogmatic approach and comparative method: Koschaker’s two souls?
- 3.2 Savigny’s Chair in Berlin
- 3.6 The affair of the Institute for Ancient Near Eastern Legal history
- Table of Contents
- CHAPTER V PROPERTY
- Besides these internal distinctions, principles must also be distinguished, so to speak, externally, from other standards of behaviour that can be part of a legal system.
- The connection to theories: interpretations of state transformation
- 4.3 Negotiations and his arrival in Tübingen
- There are different ways or organising a law of contract. That is as much as to say that there are different ways of responding to the central tasks which contract has to perform.
- THE PENALTY
- Hume’s Position Considered for the First Time
- In Afghanistan after 2001, along with the statebuilding endeavour, many attempts were made to uncover the truth about why Afghanistan is what it is represented to be. In this chapter,
- But when law is compared with morality, it seems to be assumed that everyone knows what the second term of the comparison embraces....
- �Homo sum: humani nihil a me alienum puto’