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Introduction

This part presents case studies on three specific themes or issues, devot­ing a chapter to each issue.

Chapter 4 deals with law of succession, and in particular the position of the daughter-only child as possible heir to her father's estate.

There are a number of documents in the archives that are related to the death of a person and that can reveal something about the law of succession that was applicable amongst Jews at the time. Although things can be said about the position of a son and a wife, the most important thing to be learned is about the position of a daughter who is an only child. Shelamzion, Judah's daughter from his first marriage, appears to have been his only child, but when Judah dies she does not appear to have been his heir. This fact, in combination with the occurrence of deeds of gifts in favour of daughters, has led scholars to believe that the daugh­ter-only child had no rights to her father's estate, while she was compen­sated for this by a gift. As these scholars have argued, if a daughter-only child did not have a right to inherit her father's estate the law applicable here would not be Jewish law, as Jewish law, both biblical and rabbinic, gave the daughter-only child a right to inherit. However, a closer look at the material, especially at P.Yadin 24, can reveal that we need not derive the position of the daughter-only child from for example the presence of deeds of gift, but that this position is actually dealt with in the papy­rus text. Furthermore, the fact that the daughter is not her father's heir does not imply that Jewish law is not at issue here, as an element in the Jewish regulations has been overlooked: the relation between the daughter's position according to the law of succession and her marital status. Starting from this relation which is important for understanding Shelamzion's position as described in the archive, Chapter 4 will discuss the position of the daughter-only child in other ancient oriental laws, to show that there as well marital status is crucial for a daughter's position according to the law of succession.
Therefore, conclusions as to the posi­tion of a daughter towards her father's estate should take marital status into account.

Chapter 5 deals with guardianship both of minors and of women. Guardianship is a subject that has attracted much scholarly attention over the years, especially as a number of documents in the Babatha archive, P.Yadin 12-15, 27 and 28-30, are all related to guardianship issues. The question that should be raised in this context is whether these documents can provide a general picture of guardianship as an institu­tion, or whether they should be seen as giving guardianship arrange­ments in a specific situation. I will argue for the latter interpretation. Consequently, these documents cannot and should not be used to draw general conclusions as to guardianship of minors in a Roman province. Furthermore, the chapter will look at guardianship of women, a phe­nomenon in the documents frequently associated with a Roman legal influence. However, if one wants to accept the appearance of guardians of women as an adjustment to a Roman legal environment, one would have to explain how this related to the legal context of the documents in general. This question is pressing in the light of Chapter 2, where I have shown that the documents adhere to local law substantively. This suggests that the appearance of guardians should be understood as an adjustment to Roman formal law, leaving the background against which the documents were written untouched. In fact, this can be shown for a number of documents in which guardians of women appear. This is all the more interesting as a striking difference with the situation in Egypt can be observed.

Further proof for the fact that the appearance of guardians of women was in fact indicative only of an adjustment to Roman formal law, can be found in the different terminology employed for the guardian of a minor and the guardian of a woman. Where the Greek text of the papyri uses a single term for both institutions, a fact commonly remarked upon as proof of Romanization, the Aramaic parts of the same documents do not use a single term, but differentiate between the two institutions.

This is telling as neither guardianship of minors nor of women was an issue in oriental law and therefore no terminology for the institutions existed. It seems that the use of terminology testifies to an understanding of dif­ferent legal concepts, and consequently, to an awareness of the different meaning that legal concepts could have under different legal systems.

Chapter 6 deals with marriage contracts, or marriage related docu­ments. The main focus will be on the legal background of these docu­ments, not foremost concentrating on phrases or terminology, as has

been done before, but on determining the general legal background of these documents, using the references to law as given in the documents' texts. It will appear that where language and terminology (of single words or phrases) can give confusing evidence as to the applicable law, the references to law in the documents' text present a clearer picture of the legal background against which these documents were written. Especially the marriage documents testify to the development of Jew­ish law in this pre-Mishnaic period: several formulations of obligations were in circulation, which nevertheless formed part of one, Jewish, tra­dition. Clearly, some practices eventually became part of the Mishnah and others did not: the marriage contract as described in the Mishnah looks distinctly like P.Yadin 10, while it has much less in common with P.Yadin 18. What is interesting about this, is the fact that the Mishnah obviously did not always codify the most common practice: P.Yadin 18 comes closer to other oriental and non-oriental marriage contracts than P.Yadin 10 does. Therefore, what we see here is a selection of particular practices that deviate from common patterns. The same goes for the position of the daughter-only child as discussed in Chapter 4 where the ancient oriental laws under discussion all have different arrangements for the position of the daughter-only child than the arrangement even­tually accepted in the Mishnah.

The fascinating thing is that both the instance of the daughter-only child as heir to her father's estate and of the marriage contract show that there was something like Jewish law, normative Jewish law, before the Mishnah: in the first instance the law of succession is based on Num 36, in the second instance the marriage contract of P.Yadin 10 can refer to ‘the law of Moses and the Judaeans' as the applicable law. Therefore, we cannot describe the making of the Mishnah as a selection from among practices and customs without force of law turning these into law by the codification process, but rather as a description of the status of Jewish normative law at a certain point in time. This could also explain for the fact that the Mishnah does not formulate its arrangements as legislation, but rather as descriptions of actual situations and solutions of legal problems. In this respect both the Mishnah and the documentary evidence testify to the status and devel­opment of Jewish law at the time, each giving a different perspective on it: the Mishnah representing a general description of applicable regula­tions, while the documents testify to the application of regulations in actual practice.

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Source: Oudshoorn Jacobine G.. The Relationship between Roman and Local Law in the Babatha and Salome Komaise Archives. IDC Publishers,2007. — 456 p.. 2007

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  1. Domingo Rafael. Roman Law: An Introduction. Routledge,2018. — 252 p., 2018
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