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CONCLUSION

What are the consequences of these observations? Those remedies calling for a limited liability on the part of the principal for his dependant’s transactions are difficult, if not impossible, to apply without a sophisticated system of book-keeping and accounting to be used at both levels on a day-to-day basis.

Provided that accounts were indeed kept on either side - nothing suggests that it was a legal obligation - there is no guarantee that traders knew how to consult them.

People who were dealing with slaves in business were vulnerable at best. The situation alluded to by Hyperides in his speech Against Athenogenes, written in Athens between 330 and 324 BCE, must have been standard in the classical world. Short of being able to consult the accounts of the perfume shop managed by Midas, Epikrates, blinded by his love, was sold a bunch of slaves and a business crippled with debts. It took only a few weeks for the new owner to measure, from the inside, the extent of his disastrous purchase.

In the Roman world, praetorian law, explained and enlarged by abun­dant juristic opinions, allowed economic actors, including slaves and other dependants, to minimise the risks attached to contractual transactions by granting them legal remedies easy to use because they are resting on a simple question, to be answered by yes or no. These remedies called for total liabil­ity on the part of the principal if his willingness to let his dependant enter into contracts with third parties could be established. The practical useful­ness and commercial feature of the actiones institoria and exercitoria, accesso- rily of the actio tributoria conceived as a lesser evil, may explain the label of superiores actiones adopted by Gaius,[608] and underlines the lesser importance of those remedies included in triplex hoc edictum: possibly marginal in prac­tice, the actiones de peculio, de in rem verso, or quod iussu retained all along their major legal interest.[609]

The very existence of legal remedies such as the actiones adiecticiae qualita­tis does not imply that business people resorted to them on an equal, or even regular, basis.

Like so many other legal institutions of praetorian law, the actiones adiecticiae qualitatis are products of the Republican period. Among them, the actio de peculio and, to a lesser extent, the actiones tributoria and quod iussu seem better adapted to a situation of relative proximity among economic actors, in the context of local or regional trade. On the other hand, the actiones institoria and, a fortiori, exercitoria are suited for a wider commercial space, on an interprovincial, Mediterranean or even global scale.

The impracticality of the actio de peculio for reasons stated above and the trend toward simplification, however tentative, started by the - necessarily - later creation of the actio tributoria may have led to the development of the commercial features of the actiones adiecticiae qualitatis, thus bolstering the case for the posteriority of the actiones institoria and exercitoria, a com­munis opinio which I have been trying to disrupt for many years.[610] However, both Gaius and Ulpian unambiguously speak against it.

The main commercial feature of the actiones tributoria, institoria and exer­citoria (the so-called actiones superiores) lies in the reduction and cancellation of the privileges of the dominus/paterfamilias, who eventually stands on an equal footing with other creditors of the peculium and must accept liability in tributum or in solidum for the debts contracted by his dependants/agents. To echo another Paul, the apostle and author of the Epistle to the Galatians (3:28), it could be said that a ‘world’ economy cannot afford to make a distinction between freeborn and slaves, citizens and foreigners, men and women, adults and minors, Latin and non-Latin speakers.[611] The actiones institoria and exercitoria celebrate the priority of businesses over individuals.

Lastly, let us stress that the picture we get about the history of the actiones adiecticiae qualitatis, from their creation in the mid or late Republic through the classical period until the time of the compilers, is based less on the reconstruction of the praetorian edict than on the classical jurists’ opinions, mostly in the second and third centuries CE.

The chronological distance between the time of their conception and that of the legal controversies sur­rounding them up to half a millennium later reflects the perennial adequacy of the solutions offered by the Republican praetors to no less perennial problems raised by the organisation of trade. Obviously, both were still relevant enough in the sixth century to find their way into Justinian’s Digest.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aubert, J.-J., Business Managers in Ancient Rome. A Social and Economic Study of Institores, 200 BC - AD 250 (1994).

Aubert, J.-J., ‘De l’usage de l’ecriture dans la gestion d’entreprise a l’epoque romaine’, in J. Andreau, J. France and S. Pittia (eds), Mentalites et choix economiques des Romains (2004), p. 127.

Aubert, J.-J., ‘L’economie romaine et le droit de la representation indirecte sous la Republique,’ in C. Cascione and C. Masi Doria (eds), Fides, Humanitas, Ius; Studi in onore del prof. L. Labruna I (2007), p. 215.

Aubert, J.-J., ‘Productive investments in agriculture: Instrumentum fundi and peculium in the later Roman Republic’, in J. Carlsen and E. Lo Cascio (eds), Agricoltura e scambi nell’Italia tardo-repubblicana (2009), p. 167.

Bresson A., and Aubert J.-J., ‘Accounting’, in A. Bresson, E. Lo Cascio and F. Velde (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Economies in the Classical World (2012) (forthcoming).

Buti, I., Studi sulla capacita patrimoniale dei ‘servi’ (1976).

Chiusi, T. J., Contributo allo studio dell’editto ‘de tributoria actione’ (1993).

Chiusi, T. J., ‘Zum Zusammenspiel von Haftung und Organisation im romischen Handelsverkehr: “scientia”, “voluntas” und “peculium” in D. 14,1,1,19-20', ZSS (rom. Abt.), 124 (2007), p. 94.

De Ligt L., ‘Legal history and economic history: the case of the actiones adiecticiae qualitatis’, TvR, 67.3-4 (1999), p. 205.

Foldi, A., ‘Eine alternative Annäherungsweise: Gedanken zum Problem des Handelsrechts in der romischen Welt', RIDA, 48 (2001), p. 65.

Grotkamp, N., ‘Missbrauch und Gebrauch des peculium', MBAH, 24.2 (2005), p. 125.

Miceli, M., Sulla struttura formulare delle actiones adiecticiae qualitatis (2001).

Micolier, G., Pecule et capacite patrimoniale. Etude sur le pecule, dit profectice, depuis l’edit ‘de peculio’ jusqu’à la fin de l’epoque classique (1932).

Minaud, G., La comptabilite à Rome: essai d’histoire economique sur la pensee comptable commerciale et privee dans le monde antique romain (2005).

Pesaresi, R., Ricerche sul peculium imprenditoriale (2008).

Rosafio, P., ‘Il peculio dei coloni nella tarda antichità', in J.-J. Aubert and P. Blanchard (eds), Droit, religion et societe dans le Code Theodosien (2009), p. 287.

Roth, U., ‘Food, status, and the peculium of agricultural slaves', JRA, 18 (2005), p. 278.

Wacke, A., ‘Die adjektizischen Klagen im Überblick I. Von der Reeder- und der Betriebsleiterklage zur direkten Stellvertretung', ZSS (rom. Abt.), 111 (1994), p. 280.

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Source: Plessis P.J. du. (ed.). New Frontiers: Law and Society in the Roman World. Edinburgh University Press,2013. — 256 p.. 2013

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