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CHAPTER XI. SPECIAL CASES (cont.). S. HEREDITARIUS. S. DOTALIS. S. DEPOSITUS, COMMODATUS, LOCATUS, IN PRECARIO.

VI. Servus Hereditarius.

The slave who forms part of an inheritance on which an extraneus heres has not yet entered, owes his prominence in the texts to the importance of the hereditas iacens whose mouthpiece or agent he is.

The hereditas iacens cannot exist where there is no interval between the death and the succession, for instance in the case of institution of a suus heres. Even the development of ius abstinendi does not affect this, and the rules as to the acts of slaves, where there is a suus heres whose taking is still doubtful, are nowhere fully dealt with1.

Most of the doubts and difficulties in connexion with serous heredi­tarius are the outcome of differences of opinion as to the nature of the hereditas iacens. We cannot deal with this in detail, but a few points may be noted. The hereditas is, not exactly a persona ficta, for the Romans never use this conception, but a sort of representation or symbol of the dominus. It is pointed out in several texts that it is not strictly a dominus[1015] [1016], but domini loco habetur[1017]; sustinet personam domini*. In three texts it is actually described as dominus. But of these one says, dominus ergo hereditas habebitur3, after having said, cum dominus nullus sit huius servi; in the second6 the words, hoc est dominae, are, evidently, an insertion; the third7, which contains the words hereditatem dominam esse, is as it stands unintelligible: it is clear that they are all interpolated. The hereditas does not however represent the dominus for all purposes: in multis partibus iurispro domino habetur; inplerisque personam domini sustinet3. These expressions are sufficiently accounted for by the restrictions, soon to be discussed, on the powers of serous hereditarius, and by the obvious fact that many rights and duties failed at death.

But they may be connected with another question: if hereditas sustinet personam domini, who is this dominus '! The heir or the deceased ? There was an old opinion that it was the heir: transit ad heredem, cuius personam interim hereditas sustinet1; heres et hereditas unius personae vice funguntur*. This view is supported by a number of texts, which make the entry of the heres date back to the death[1018]. But, notwithstanding traces of dispute in the Digest[1019] [1020], there can be no doubt that the general rule of later law is that it represents the deceased and not the heir’. Thus it is said that where a servus hereditarius stipulates or acquires by traditio, the act ex persona defuncti vires acdpit[1021].

The servus hereditarius is a part of the hereditas. As, in strictness, the hereditas is not his master[1022] [1023], we should expect that he might be tortured in re hereditaria. And so Ulpian says, holding that so long as it is uncertain to whom the bona belong, he cannot be said to be tortured in re domini6. Several other texts discuss the matter, but do not distinguish clearly between the case where the hereditas is still iacens, and that in which it is not, or may not be, so. Thus Papinian allows torture of such slaves where it is a question of a supposititious child, or where one claimant is alleged not to be really a member of the family. He allows it because it is not contra dominos ceteros filios, but pro successione[1024]. Clearly he is laying down a limitation to the rule that a slave cannot be tortured in re domini. So Paul says[1025] that a judge who cannot decide de fide generis may torture servi hereditarii, the allusion appearing to be to a claim of relationship, irrespective of the question whether there has been aditio or not. In fact, where there has been an aditio, and the question is whether it is valid or not, it cannot be told till after the event, whether the hereditas was actually iacens or not.

There was a good deal of legislation on this matter, after classical times. Diocletian declared it settled law11 that servi hereditarii could be tortured, where the allegation was that a will was forged, even though the slaves were freed by it, and also12 that it was allowed in any claim of the hereditas, the reason here assigned being that ownership is doubtful. There was evidently other legislation, for Justinian alludes to past legis­lation and distinctions, which he abrogates, and he enacts that slaves of the hereditas, including those freed by the will, may be tortured, but only if the question is as to specific things and not claims of the hereditas, and only if they have the care of these things, and the applicant for their torture has taken an oath of good faith1. But they cannot be tortured against one who, having given security, has obtained possession of the hereditas : domini loco habetur3.

The rules applied in case of damage to a servus hereditarius seem, rather illogically, to treat the heres as if he was the owner, i.e., to apply the notion that the hereditas represents the heres, so far, at least, as is necessary to do justice. Thus, though the actio Aquilia is available only to the dominus3, and does not pass to a new dominus, except by cession4, we are told that if a servus hereditarius is killed or injured, the heres has the action on aditio, for though no one was owner, hereditas dominus habebitur3. Unless it can be said to be inherited6, this seems to make the hereditas represent the heres. This inadequate justification is eked out by another. We are told7 that the lex does not mean, by the word dominus, him who was owner at the time of the injury. There is little doubt, however, that that is what it does mean8, and in fact the explanation will do only for damage, not for destruction, unless the lex means by “owner,” one who never was owner*.

If the slave be the subject of a legacy or fideicommissum, and the heres kill him before aditio, there is no actio Aquilia, or de dolo, as the dolus would give a claim ex testamento13. If he is killed by another person, similarly, we are told, the legatee can have no action, though the heir has. But if it was merely damage, the legatee on acquiring the slave can call on the heir to cede the action11. For theft of the slave no doubt the ordinary rules of expilatio hereditatis are applied1’. For iniuria to the slave the heres has the actio iniuriarum, and in the case of verberatio it remains with him, even though the slave be freed by the will18. The same rule would apply, a fortiori, to other forms of iniuria, for verberatio was precisely the one in which the feelings of the slave were considered14. But that belongs to later law: the present text is from Labeo.

As to wrongs done by the slave to outsiders, the ordinary rules apply, except that, for the moment, there is no one who can be sued. If, i C. 2. 58. 1. 1; 9. 41.18. ’ 48. 18. 15. 2.

8 9. 2. 11. 6. « 9. 2. 11. 7.

5 9. 2.13. 2. In 5. 3. 36. 2 the point is the same: has the possessor validly entered ?

6 See 36. 1. 68. 2, and 47. 10. 1. 6. 7 9. 2. 43.

* Monro, Lex Aquilia, ad h. I.

9The text observes that any other rule would cause intolerable injustice. But an actio in factum might have sufficed.

19 4. 3. 7. 5; 30. 47. 4, 5. Ante, p. 18. If it were after entry, he might be Hable to legatee ex Aquilia, 9. 2. 14.

11 9. 2. 15. nr. The case seems to be treated pro tanto as one of principal and accessory, 33. 8. 2. Paul says (36.1. 68. 2) that if there were a fc. hereditatis, and a slave was damaged, the action did not pass to fideicommissarius, as it was not in bonis defuncti. As Peraice remarks (Sachbeschad. 189) this denies merely the ipso facto passing of the action.

He thinks the text refers to damage after aditio, but this is far from clear and does not seem material. So far as the heir's right is concerned, the same rule applied to servi corruptio, 11. 3. 13.1. For an analogous case see 36.1. 75. pr.

12 47. 19. The exceptional eases in which furti lay have no special relation to slaves, 47. 2. 69—71.

18 47. 10. 1. 6, 7. i< Ante, pp. 79, 80. being pure legatus, he steals from the legatee, no question arises. If he steals, or damages, property of the future heir, then, in the same case, the legatee will be liable to noxal action, since the man never belonged to the heir1. Analogous rules apply if the slave, freed pure, does the act before the entry of any heir[1026] [1027]. If he is freed conditionally, special rules apply which will be considered later[1028]. If he is left conditionally per vindicationem, there will be no action on the Sabinian view that in the meantime he belongs to the heir: on the other view the heir will have his remedy. The Sabinian view appears to have prevailed, though the matter is not absolutely clear[1029] [1030]. If such a slave steals from one of coheirs before aditio, there can be no actio furti, but the matter is adjusted in the iudicium familiae erdscundae, the simple value, or in the alternative the slave, being allowed3. If he is left per damna­tionem, he belongs for a time to the heir, who can thus have no actio furti*.

If a servus hereditarius takes res hereditatis, since these cannot be stolen, there can be no noxal actio furti, though there may be actio ad exhibendum[1031]. If he is legatus in such a way that for a time he is the heir’s, there can be no such remedy, any more than if he were to stay in the hereditas. If he is freed there is no civil remedy, but there is a special edictal procedure. It is provided that if a slave, freed by the will, damages the interest of the heres in any way, dolo malo, before aditio, he is liable to an action for double damages within an annus utilis*.

The reason assigned for the creation of this action is that there can be no civil remedy, and he knows he is in no danger of being punished as a slave. Provided his act was dolose, for negligence is not enough, the nature of the wrong is immaterial[1032]. The action is available to other successors as well as the heir, and if a pupillus is heir, and dies, the right arises in the interval, before the entry of the substitute, if the slave is to be free only in that event[1033] [1034]. Even if the liberty is fideicommissary, and unconditional, this action lies, as the man cannot be treated as a slave11. But it does not lie if there is any other delictal remedy, though it may coexist with a mndicatio, or other action ad rem persequendam12. If the slave is freed only conditionally, since he can in the meantime be punished as a slave, the action does not lie1, even though the heres does not know of the wrong till he is free* though Ulpian is cited as quoting Labeo to the effect that if the condition supervenes suddenly on the act, the action lies, since there was no practical chance of punishing him3. The absence of any civil remedy, as we are told, caused the introduction of the action, and this absence was due to the conception of the hereditas as at least representing the dominus*, so that the crimen expilatae hereditatis is barred.

All this would apply equally well to the case of a slave pure legates, but the Edict6 deals only with the freed slave. There is, however, a text which says that the action is available if the slave is pure legates, and adds that it lies if the ownership in him is changed6. This is obscure, but it is clear that the case is not within the actual words of the Edict—hanc actionem indulgendam. As extant, the text says the action is to lie if ownership is changed or lost, or liberty is gained post intervallum modicum aditae hereditatis. The form and content of this text suggest that it may be a pure insertion of the compilers. However this may be, it is certain that its sweeping generality cannot represent the law, for it gives the action where liberty is not attained. Mommsen7 corrects by omitting vel libertas competit, so that the acquisition of liberty is implied in all the cases it deals with, but this alteration makes the words post intervallum modicum, etc., apply to the transfer of ownership. This is inconsistent with what has been said, and moreover would make the rule apply where the heres himself sold the slave8. The alteration of vel into et before libertas competit brings the new rule into exact line with the principle of the Edict, and the scribe’s error would be a very likely one in view of the two preceding expressions with vel.

The hereditas being pro domino, the slave can acquire for it’: his acquisitions of whatever kind belong to it, and therefore go to the heres postea factusw, even though the slave is legates11. What he acquires is reckoned in iudicium familiae erciscundae, and can be recovered by hereditatis petitio12 As to his acquisition of possession, there were disputes. In one text it is said13 that if such a slave buys, and acquires possession, and then loses it again, the heres on entry has the Publician, quasi ipse possedisset, whether the dealing was peculiar!

1 h. I. 3. 2 47. 4. 2. » 47. 4. 1. 4, 3.

4 47. 4. 1. 1, 15. 6 47. 4. l.pr.; Lenel, Ed. Perp. § 135.

• 47. 4. 1. 5, 6. ’ ad h. I.

8 The action cannot lie against legatee, for if it is a debt purely due from peculium (15.1. 27. 1), heres should have deducted and can now condict (ante, p. 229). If it be regarded as noxal it is excluded as the crimen expilatae hereditatis is.

2 41. 1. 61. pr.; 45. 3.16; 49. 15. 29.

1» In. 2. 22. 2; 3. 17. pr. 11 31. 38.

42 10. 2. 12. 1. 19 6. 2. 9. 6, 10. nomine or not. In view of the controversy as to whether legal possession was needed for the Publician or not, the text does not prove that his possession is the heir’s : it rather suggests that it is not, except in re peculiari. It is clear that such a slave can continue and complete usucapio already begun, but this is of little importance, since all that is needed for that, in the case of a hereditas, is that there be no adverse possession1. Apart from this, even in re peculiari, the matter is not clear. In two texts of Paul and Julian in which the power is asserted the language is obscure and the remark may be compilers’ work2. Papinian tells us, in one text3, that if such a slave begins tenere peculiari causa, usucapio does not begin till aditio, for how, he asks, can that be usucapted, which the deceased never possessed ? In another text4 he tells us that if such a slave comparat, usucapio begins to run, but this is singulari iure. This is so like Papinian’s own way of looking at acquisition of possession peculii causa, as allowed on utilitarian grounds, and not based on principle5, that it seems necessary to understand this text only of “ peculiar ” acquisition. It then con­tradicts the other. Mommsen suggests that a nisi has dropped out of the text first mentioned6, so that the denial would apply only to extra-peculiar acquisition7.

Legacies and institutiones can be made to a servus hereditarius, owing to the rule that servi persona inspidenda est et in testamentis3. But though he can be instituted, he cannot enter9. In quibus factum personae operaeve substantia desideratur nihil hereditati adquiri potest, and therefore, quia adire jubentis domini persona desideratur, heres exspectandus est10. It follows that he never really acquires a hereditas to the hereditas, but only to the heres. Thus it does not form part of the hereditas11. The institutio depends for its validity on the testamenti factio of the deceased, whom the hereditas represents, not on that of the heres, though, of course, the heres will not get it unless qualified to take, or beyond the proportion he is qualified to take12.

A miles filiusfamilias can make a will. This creates a sort of quasi-inheritance, the existence of which depends on entry. If no one enters it is peculium and belongs to the paterfamilias13. Hence arise some difficult cases. Acquisitions by legacy or stipulation, by a

I 41. 3. 20, 31. 5, 40. 2 41. 2. 1. 5; 44. 7. 16. »41.3.45.1.

4 41. 3. 44. 3. » 41. 2. 44.1.. 6 ad 41. 3. 35. 1.

It is surprising that the titles dealing with possessory interdicts do not discuss dispossession of servi hereditarii.

8 28. 5. 31. 1, 65; 30. 116. 3; 31. 82. 2.

9 28. 5. 6. 2, 21. 1, 53. 10 41. 1. 61. pr.

II Where a heres coactus, on entry, ordered a servus hereditarius to enter on a hereditas left to the slave, he acquired and need not hand it on to the fid^icommissarius, 36. 1. 28. 1.

12 28. 5. 53; 31. 55. 1. ™ 49. 17.14. pr. servus castrensis where there is a will, but no one has yet accepted, go like those of servus hereditarius, if an heir enters, but if not, they go to the pater. Thus if a usufruct is left to him it takes effect for heres or father. The event does not transfer it from one to the other1: it vests in one or the other[1035] [1036] according to the event. So if a thing is stolen from the slave the heres if he enters has no actio furti, for furtum hereditati non fit, but if he does not enter the father has the action[1037]. There were clearly some doubts, but the result of this way of looking at the matter is that the father has no interest in the meantime. Thus where a slave, common to X and a peculium castrense, stipulates after the death of the miles, and before the heir has accepted, X acquires the whole. For, the text says, there is no real hereditas, but only, by imperial constitutions, a right of testation, which becomes a hereditas, then and then only when the heres has accepted. Ac­cordingly it cannot be acquired to the hereditas : the fact that no right is allowed to the father, to take half, expresses the view that in the meantime he has nothing in the property[1038] [1039]. But this reasoning would lead to the view that all transactions of a servus castrensis peculii in the interval are void, if the devise is not accepted. Papinian, in fact, raises this question, in relation to stipulation and traditio, and decides that notwithstanding the father’s interim lack of interest paterna verecundia compels the view that such things are acquired to him’. The text adds that if a legacy is left to such a slave, though, propter incertum, it is for the time being acquired to no one, it vests in the father if the will does not operate[1040]. Another text, of Tryphoninus[1041], discusses the case of a legacy to a servus castrensis peculii vesting during the heir’s deliberation, the legacy being under the will of a person in relation to whom the father was an incapaa:. Certainly, says the writer, it will go to the heres, the point of the observation being, apparently, that here there can be no question of its having vested in the father in the meantime, and only shifting at entry of the heir. He has already remarked that the imago successionis has prevented the father’s owner­ship of the slave from existing in the interval. He uses the same case to Exclude the notion of a pendency of dominium., but it only proves that the gift to the heres can take effect though there be no pendency: the real objection to the notion is that the very idea of hereditas implies that in the meantime the property does not belong to anyone, which is inconsistent with the notion of pendency, as applied elsewhere1.

Gifts of usufruct to servus hereditarius create difficulties. They cannot be completely acquired because ususfructus sine persona constitui non potest2. For the same reason, such a slave cannot stipulate for one, even conditionally3. But there may be a legacy of usufruct to him, and as the persona is necessary, heres exspectandus est: it does not cede till entry of the heir, so that there can be no question of its failing then, quasi mutato dominion The aditio here mentioned is that on the hereditas to which the slave belongs: the rule is independent of the fact that legacy of usufruct never cedes till entry under the will by which it is created. In a certain will a slave is legated. Before aditio, another inheritance, under which a legacy of usufruct is left to this slave, is entered on. The legacy does not cede until the inheritance, in which he is, is entered on, and will fail if he dies in the meantime. On entry it will go to the then owner of the slave5.

Before leaving this branch of the subject, it is necessary to consider a group of texts, the gist of which is that the heres cannot acquire, by a servus hereditarius, what is part of the hereditas. At first sight these texts seem merely to lay down the truism that as heres is not owner till entry, the acquisition of things by servi hereditarii cannot be acquisition to him. And this is the only obvious meaning which can be given to the texts which apply the rule to acquisition of the hereditas or part of it6. But another text7, dealing purely with possession, speaks of the rule as having been laid down by the ancients (yeteres putaverunt), an expression not likely to have been used about so obvious a rule. And the text is followed by remarks which shew the case contemplated to be that of acquisition of res hereditariae after entry, i.e. solely a question of possession, since ownership in such things is acquired by the fact of entry; the slave having of course ceased to be a servus hereditarius in the technical sense. Other texts, which shew that the rule is applied only to slaves acquired by the strictly hereditary title, deal also expressly with possession. Thus of slaves legated to us we can acquire the possession of all by one, as well as if they had been given or sold

1 See Otto and Schilling, ad h. I. See alsopojt, Ch. xvi.. 2 41. 1. 61.1.

3 Vat. Fr. 55, 60; D. 45. 3. 26, ex praesenti vires accipit stipulatio quamvis petitio ex ea

suspensa sit. a.

4 lb.; 7. 3.1. 2 ; 7. 4. 18, i.e. in the slave: the remark is belated in the Digest. Ante, p. 152.

5 i.e. the legatee. If the slave had not been legated it would have belonged to the heres. Text doubtful, but this seems to be the sense. There was another difficulty. Acquisitions by servi hereditarii were divided among coheirs (post, Ch. xvi.). But no part of this, a usufruct, could be separated from the person to whom it was given,—nee a personts discedere potest. It could not be divided by the iudex in familiae erciscundae: if the heirs would not hold it in common, he must arrange for enjoyment and compensation with security, 10. 2. 15, IQ.pr. Text doubtful.

6 29. 2. 43; 41. 1. 18. As to common slaves, post, Ch. xvi. 7 41. 2. 1. 16. to us1. And where A is heres pro parte and a slave is legated to him, he can, on aditio, acquire by that slave possession of a fundus hereditarius1. And where A has sold a slave to B, or owes him a slave in any way, and delivers him after B’s death to B’s heir, the heir can acquire possession of res hereditariae through him, precisely because he was not acquired iure hereditaria3. When it is remembered first, that the rule is an ancient one4, so ancient indeed that the classical jurists give no reason for it and treat it as a technicality to be confined within as narrow limits as possible, secondly, that every text which does not apply it to the hereditas or part of it applies it expressly to possession, and, thirdly, that hereditas was susceptible of possession and usucapion in early law’,it seems safe to regard the rule as applying properly to acquisition of possession alone6.

Even so limited, what is the rationale of the rule? No doubt difficult questions might arise in the absence of such a rule7, but the same difficulties would arise in the case, for instance, of the slave legatus to the heir. Moreover, the rule has a technical look about it, and is hardly likely to rest on a purely utilitarian basis. The rule contemplates things possessed by the deceased, which, as we know, are not possessed by the heres till he has actually taken them8. It appears to rest on the unity of the inheritance : a taking by one of the slaves (whether authorised or not) of a thing in the possession of the dominus or of another slave would have effected no change in possession during the life of the ancestor, or while the hereditas was iacens. The same act is not allowed to produce a different effect merely because the owner­ship of the hereditas has changed.

We have anticipated some of the rules as to contract by a servus hereditarius. It is laid down that he cannot contract in the name of his late owner: there is no such person9. The question whether he can stipulate in the name of the future heir is much debated, the decision really turning on the question already considered whether, and how far, the hereditas can be said to represent the future heir10. Cassius, Gaius and Modestinus are reported as holding that he can do so, on the ground, in the case of the first two, that aditio relates back11. But the weight of authority is the other way: we may take the rule

1 41. 2. 1. 16. 9 41. 2. 1. 17. s 41. 2. 38. 2.

t 41. 2. 1. 16. 0 G. 2. 54.

8 The texts are concerned only with acts of acquisition by the slave: they do not for instance mean that if I acquire possession of one of the slaves I do not thereby acquire possession of his peculium which he possesses. It would perhaps, but this is less probable, not require an independent act of acquisition of even res non peculiares, which the slave now possessed by me had acquired to.his late owner and held through the interval.

7 e.g. if heres gave a general iussum to all the slaves to take possession.

841. 2. 23. pr.

912. 1. 41; 45. 3. 18. 2; In. 3. 17. 1. w Ante, pp. 252, 3.

n 45. 3. 28. 4, 35.

ch. xi] Contracts by Servus Hereditarius 261 as being that he cannot1. Of course he can make a stipulation or pact in rem'2, or in the name of a fellow slave, or of the hereditas, or with no name at all3. So in bilateral transactions. If he grants a commodatum or a depositum, the heres can recover the thing, and has the ordinary rights of action4.

The hereditas is released by an acceptilatio to such a slave on a promise by his deceased master5.

Promises in certain forms by way of surety are subject to special time limits. If a promise is made to a servus hereditarius and security taken by way of fideiussio, it is not clear when time begins to run. Javolenus holds6 that it ought to begin at once, since a plaintiff’s incapacity to sue, for which the surety is in no way responsible, ought not to increase the latter’s liability. Venuleius7 records a doubt, and cites the contrary view of Cassius that in such a case, time runs only from the day when action became possible. The form of the hypothesis suggests that the texts were originally written of fidepromissores, who were released in two years, by the lex Furia. This is an express release by statute for a particular case. It is not necessarily governed by the general rules of prescription of actions: hence the doubt.

The heres is liable de peculio on transactions by servus hereditarius, e.g. sale8, though he may deduct, as a debt due to the dominus, any damage done to the hereditas*. In quod iussu, analogy suggests that a contract made after the death of a dominus on his iussum, does not bind the heres in solidum, as iussum, like mandate, is in most cases revoked by death, at least as against one who knew1". The same question arises in connexion with actio institoria. Ulpian says11 that if a man has appointed his slave institor, and died, the heres is liable on contracts made with him after the death, by one who did not know of it. This expresses the same rule, but Paul says12, very explicitly, that the action lies, even though the other party knew of the death, and the heres vias mad, so that there could be no question of his having authorised it. He cites Pomponius, who says that a creditor who contracted with a going concern ought not to be defeated by knowledge that the dominus was dead. This way of looking at the matter makes the hereditas represent

1 2. 14. 27. 10; 45. 3. 16, 18. 2, 28. 4. 2 2. 14. 27. 10.

2 In. 3. 17. pr.·, D. 45. 9·. 18. 2; 45. 3. 35.

4 16. 3.1. 29; C. 4. 34. 9. -S', hereditarius lent money and took a pledge and handed the pledge back to the debtor in precarium. The precarium was valid, i.e. the thing could not be usucapted by the debtor, 44. 7. 16. This has a meaning as it stands, as the thing might not have been his own, (see however Gradenwitz, Interp. 38,) but it was originally written of jiducia, in which the ownership passed. He could not reacquire it by usureceptio. As it stands in the Digest the rule is confined to res peculiares, of which alone the slave could have acquired possession. The limitation is added presumably by the compilers: it would not be needed in the other case.

5 46. 4. 11. 2. 6 44.3.4. 7 45.3.25.

8 15.1. 3. pr.; 18. 5. 8. 9 15.1. 27.1. Also in de in rem verso. See 15.1. 3.1.

19 See Roby, Rom. Priv. Law, 2.122.

11 14. 3. 5. 17. 12 14. 3. 17. 3.

262 Contracts by Servus Hereditarius [pt. i the deceased, but emphasises the fact that credit is given to the business rather than to the owner, and avoids the paralysis of business which would result from adoption of the view that death ended the liability.

Africanus discusses the case1 of a man freed and ex parte heres who, not knowing his status, goes on with his dealings. He is not a servus hereditarius, but on the facts he is a bona fide serviens of the other heirs, and the case is dealt with on those lines. What would have been the result if the heirs had known ? So far as contractual rights and liabilities are concerned, it seems that the heredes could not be liable except so far as the facts could be brought within the field of actio insti­toria. And they would have the actio negotiorum gestorum contraria against him, since there is nothing on the facts involving any disquali­fying fraud. But, directly, they would acquire nothing through him[1042] [1043].

All rights resulting from transactions of servus hereditarius depend on the entry of the heir. They are in a sense conditional, and fall to the ground if there be no heres[1044]. But any heres suffices. A slave who was heres under a substitution which took effect was liable de peculio et in rem verso on his contracts made in the interim[1045] [1046].

As to the actual result where no heir enters, we have no informa­tion. The property will pass to the fisc, subject to the rights of creditors. The fisc can vindicate what the man has purported to convey, and must give back what has been given to him. But this will not do justice in all cases. The slave may have done damage, for which a noxal action would have lain against the heir. Goods handed over, under one of his contracts, may have been consumed. Is the fisc liable in this and similar cases[1047]? We are not told, and, indeed, except in regard to freedom of slaves, we are told very little as to the obligations of the fisc in such cases, though there is some detail about its rights. Of course if no heir enters, it is usually because there is no profit in it, and nothing will go to the fisc, but this would not always be so—there must be cases in which no heir is discoverable6.

VII. Servus Dotalis.

The special rules relative to servi dotales are due mainly to the peculiar double ownership in dos[1048]. We know that the vir is owner, ch. xi] Servus Dotalis. Noxal Liability. Acquisitions 263 subject to a duty of return, in certain events, at the end of the marriage. Thus a slave given in dos is alienated, for the purpose of making annalis the actio de peculio[1049]. On the other hand, the wife has a definite though postponed interest in the dos: quamvis in bonis mariti dos sit, tamen mulieris est2. But this does not exactly state the case: in fact it cannot be stated in terms of any other situation. The rules are, to a great extent, the product of compromises. The vir has more than bonitary right: he has vindicatio, even from the wife8, and thus, though he somewhat resembles a usufructuary, his rights are really much greater. But the wife’s interest is not absolutely postponed: there are several texts which shew that she can take steps to protect it.

The law of noxal liability might be expected to provide problems arising from this state of things. Yet the Sources yield apparently only one text dealing with the matter: it tells us4 that if a dotal slave steals from the husband, the wife is liable to compensate, with a right, if she did not know his quality, to surrender the slave. We have already seen5 that this is not really noxal liability, and we must not infer that the vir, having this claim, is not noxally liable. Certainly the slave is not in potestate uxoris. The vir has the ordinary powers of owner, and thus can manumit, and becomes the patron of the libertus2. The lex Julia, prohibiting alienation of land, says nothing of slaves; they may thus be alienated, their price being part of the dos, and the vir being accountable for wasteful dealing. In the same way the wife’s interest in the slave leads to the rule that the vir is liable for illtreat- ment of him, even though he habitually illtreats his own slaves7.

As to acquisitions the general rule is that the vir is entitled to fruits without accounting and to what is acquired ex operis, or ex re mariti, but other acquisitions are part of the dos6. Partus ancillarum are not fruits9, and thus are dotal and do not belong absolutely to the vir12. But if, as is often the case, the slaves have been received at a valuation, and their value is to be returned, this is looked at as a sort of sale, and as the risk is with the vir, he may keep partus and other accidental accretions[1050], the rule applying equally if the wife has the choice between the slaves and their value19. If the vir manumits a slave the iura in bonis

will normally form part of the dos[1051]. This is inevitably so, if the manumission is without consent of the wife2: but there are other possibilities. If the wife assents, and intends a gift to her husband, then, since gifts between them are allowed manumittendi causa3, the slave is in fact the husband’s and the dos has no claim on the iura patronatus*.

The husband’s right to fruits depends on the existence of the mar­riage, and thus everything which is acquired by a slave, given in dos, before the marriage takes place, or after its end, is part of the dos3. As to legacy, hereditas, and, probably, other gifts, acquired during the marriage, there is an apparent divergence of opinion. We are told by Julian6 that as aditio hereditatis is not in opera servili, any hereditas on which a dotal slave enters belongs to the dos. Modestinus seems to agree’. And Paul8 seems to say that any land left to a dotal slave is dotal. On the other hand, Pomponius” holds that such things are dotal, si testator noluit ad maritum pertinere. And Ulpian10 says that the gift is not dotal, si respectu mariti heres sit institutus vel ei legatwn datum. And Julian himself says[1052] that they go back if they are acquired before the marriage or after its end, which seems to imply that they would not necessarily do so, if acquired during the marriage. It must also be remembered that Julian12 in another connexion tells us that an institution of a slave, propter me, is an acquisition ex re mea, which, if applied to dotal slaves, gives the same result. It is likely that Julian’s remarks as to acquisitions not actually during the marriage do not concern our case, but that he is laying down the rule that even though, strictly, dos exists only during the marriage, the husband’s duty to account is the same at any time when he is holding it as dos13. The true view of the texts seems to be that such things are as a general presumption, in the dos1*, but that if the gift is expressly with a view of benefiting the vir, then it is ex re eius and he acquires it absolutely15. But it is still possible that this application of the conception of acqui­sition ex re was a novelty in Julian’s time.

We are told16, but the remark must be confined to cases in which the acquisition is dotal, that though aditio is always at the command of the vir, the wife must be examined before witnesses, lest she be prejudiced. If they both wish to refuse, the vir can safely do so. If she wishes to accept but he does not, he may convey the slave to her to be reconveyed to him after entry; in this way he runs no risk1.

A single text[1053] [1054] seems to be all the existing authority as to the actio de peculio, etc. in the case of a dotal slave. Its decision starts evidently from the fact that vir is owner of the slave. There may be two peculia, but, for the purpose of the actio de peculio, it is immaterial whether the contract was in connexion with the dotal part of the peculium or the other: all alike is liable, as belonging to the vir. It follows that all debts due to him, or to his household, may be deducted. But when the time comes for settlement of accounts, he must charge himself with what, on principles already laid down, concerned him, and charge to dos what was paid on dotal account[1055]. Similar rules would apply to quod iussu and de in rem, verso. But as to tributoria and exerdtoria or institoria it may be doubtful. For all the profit of any transaction of the slave results from his operae, and goes to the dominus, who should therefore bear any loss. The title[1056] [1057] dealing with his right to deduct says nothing about damages in such actions. He cannot charge for the maintenance of the thing, even though the money expended was not directly with the aim of turning it into profit, but for the general preservation of it6. Moreover so far as fungibles in the peculium are concerned8, they are at his risk: he must give them back to the same amount, whatever has happened in the meantime.

VIII. Servus Gommodatus, Locatus, Depositus.

As such a relation gave the holder no right in the slave, but only a right, ex contractu, against the dominus, there is not much to be said about the case. The holder was not noxally liable for what the slave did7. We have already discussed the historical development of the law as to his rights on delicts committed by the slave, in respect of him or his property, and of damage, by a slave of the borrower, to a thing lent8. If such a slave did harm to a third party, and the owner was sued, he had no regress, ex locato, etc. The liability of the borrower for damage to the slave is governed by the ordinary law of contract: the contractual rela­tion would not in any case bar the actio servi corrupti. There are, however, special cases in which a man might be liable for the wrongs of

266 Semis Commodatus, etc. Slaves in precario [pt. i slaves in his employ, even though his right in them were only a ius in personam. All these cases seem to be of praetorian origin1.

Such holders were liable on the contracts of such slaves whom they had appointed institores or magistri navium, and though they did not acquire contractual rights through them, they could sue the dominus, ex commodate or ex conducto, for cession of the actions which had been acquired through them[1058] [1059] [1060] [1061] [1062]. It is sometimes held[1063], not on textual authority, but by reason of the inconveniences which would be caused by the contrary rule, that a slave hired to serve as institor or magister navis acquired dominium to his employer. The difficulty undoubtedly exists. Yet the refusal to allow acquisition of actions through his contracts, the fact that the only known legal results of the relation are praetorian, the absence of any reference to this case in the passages and titles which deal with acquisition through others, and the fact that one held in precario acquired nothing to his holder* make it difficult to accept this opinion. The case of servus fructuarius so appointed is no authority: the text means that this is an acquisition ex re. There is however no reason to think a servus alienus was often so appointed[1064].

IX. Slaves held in Precario.

As a holder in precario is corqmonly assimilated to a commodatarius it is not surprising that we find little mention of the rights and liabili­ties oi precario tenens on acts of the slave. A few remarks are all that is possible. Precarium ancillae is, by a presumption of intent, preca­rium partus*. The tenens is not noxally liable[1065], and has no actio furti if the slave be stolen, at any rate until the interdict de precario has been issued, when he becomes liable for culpa (custodia), and so has the same interest as commodatarius*. Presumably the dominus is liable on delicts done by the slave to the tenens*. The tenens can acquire nothing through the slave10 and, probably, is liable on his contracts only when any other extraneus would be.

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Source: Buckland W.W.. The Roman Law of Slavery. Cambridge University Press 1908, repr.1970. — 754 p.. 1970

More on the topic CHAPTER XI. SPECIAL CASES (cont.). S. HEREDITARIUS. S. DOTALIS. S. DEPOSITUS, COMMODATUS, LOCATUS, IN PRECARIO.:

  1. CHAPTER XIII. SPECIAL CASES (cont.}. SERVUS PIGNERATICIUS, FIDUCIAE DATUS, STATULIBER, CAPTIVUS.
  2. CHAPTER XV. SPECIAL CASES (cont.). BONA FIDE SERVIENS. SERVUS MALA FIDE POSSESSUS. SERVUS FRUCTUARIUS, USUARIUS.
  3. CHAPTER XXV. MANUMISSION. SPECIAL CASES AND MINOR RESTRICTIONS.
  4. CHAPTER X. SPECIAL CASES. SERVUS VICARIUS. S. FILIIFAMILIAS. S. IN BONIS. S. LATINI.
  5. CHAPTER XVI. SPECIAL CASES {amt.). S. COMMUNIS. COMBINATIONS OF DIFFERENT INTERESTS.
  6. CHAPTER XIV. SPECIAL CASES (coni.). S. PUBLICUS POPULI ROMANI, FISCI, ETC. S. UNIVERSITATIS.
  7. CHAPTER XII. SPECIAL CASES (coni.). SERVUS FUGITIVUS. S. PRO DERELICTO. S. POENAE. S. PENDENTE USUFRUCTU MANUMISSUS. S. PIG­NERATUS MANUMISSUS.
  8. CHAPTER III. THE SLAVE AS RES (cont.). SALE OF SLAVES.
  9. There are two purposes to this chapter. Having formulated in the previous chapter an understanding of the types of cases that advocates accepted, we now must consider the impact that such an undertaking had on an advocate’s life
  10. CHAPTER V. THE SLAVE AS MAN. NON-COMMERCIAL RELATIONS (cont.). DELICTS BY SLAVES.
  11. CHAPTER XXIII. MANUMISSION DURING THE EMPIRE {cont.). STATUTORY CHANGES. LI. IUNIA, AELIA SENTIA, FUFIA CANINIA.
  12. CHAPTER XXI. MANUMISSION DURING THE EMPIRE (cont.). MANUMISSION
  13. CHAPTER XXVII. FREEDOM WITHOUT MANUMISSION. CASES OF UNCOMPLETED MANUMISSION.
  14. Extreme cases enable one to see what is scarcely visible in ordinary situations. For concepts of validity, the extreme cases are collisions of validity. The collision of legal and social validity will be our first concern.
  15. The cases of advocates
  16. Factors in the refusal of cases
  17. Factors in the selection of cases