Demba is a small farmer in Mali who grows different varieties of millet, sorghum, cowpea and peanuts (i.e. plant genetic resources for food and agriculture) on his 0.35hafield.
The varieties he grows originate from exchanging seeds with his family, his neighbours and seeds bought on markets nearby. Demba does not manage tofeed his 9 personsfamily with his production.
Droughts, diseases and pests often ruin his work so he would like to increase and diversify his production. Accessing more diverse varieties better adapted to climate hazards as well as improved varieties with higher yields would help Demba. But few are available on the market. Improved seeds sold by multinationals such as Monsanto are too expensive, require ‘modern' techniques for growing them (i.e. use of purchased inputs and inaccessible technical machinery), and do not necessarily answer Demba's needs and modes of production (Temudo, 2011). Moreover, patents and ‘sterilized' genetically modified varieties hinder Demba from accessing similar varieties by other means. The remaining option for Demba is to access improved varieties at national or international research centres, which develop and conserve such varieties. Hence, research centres also need to have access to the necessary genetic resources to develop these new varieties. However, the present international regime complex renders access to seeds far more difficult than at the beginning of the twentieth century. What tensions have emerged from this regime complex?Chapter 3 analyses the tensions arising from the multifaceted international seed regime complex, as a necessary preliminary analysis to allow for the evaluation of the present international seed regime conducted in Chapters 4 and 5. Since the dawn of settled agriculture, farmers have developed, conserved and exchanged crop and forage varieties to respond to their needs (Reed, 1977; Pistorius, 1997: xxvii; Smith, 1998). Fowler and Hodgkin explain indeed that:
[w]hen it comes to food security, all countries share something important and fundamental.
All depend on crops domesticated in distant lands during the Neolithic era. As crops, the maize grown in Africa, the wheat that blankets the Canadian prairies, and the potatoes cultivated on more than 10 million acres in China are botanical immigrants, and old ones at that. None are native to those lands. Directly or indirectly, therefore, the world’s six billion people depend on crops and, thus, on genetic resources that would not normally be found in and are not part of the indigenous flora of their country. The questions of farmer and breeder access to and of availability of genetic resources - seeds, plants and plant parts useful in crop breeding, research, or conservation for their genetic attributes - are of tremendous importance.(Fowler and Hodgkin, 2004: 144)
The generally open patterns of exchange and use, established by early farmers were continued by public researchers and plant breeders until the middle of the twentieth century (Klose, 1950). This trend perpetuated and amplified a situation that originated in the fifteenth century, where countries all over the world are reliant on PGRFA located within each other’s borders (Palacios, 1997; Khoury et al., 2015). Today, there is not a single country that does not need crops originating from other countries or continents to feed its population. From the second half of last century however, access to PGRFA diversity has become far more difficult. This explains why, for the last three decades, besides the promotion of conservation and sustainable use of seeds, facilitating access to plant genetic resources for food and agriculture has been a priority for FAO and other international organizations.
What are the underlying tensions rendering the international seed management system so complex? Indeed, these tensions need to be resolved to effectively facilitate access to PGRFA and reach the Treaty’s overall goals of food security and sustainable agriculture. In this chapter, four tensions are described, depicting a global picture around the access problem.
These tensions all arise at a horizontal level in terms of land space (between developed and developing countries mainly) and at a vertical level in time (from the 1900s up to nowadays), which further complicates their analysis.The method used to answer this question follows the same explanatory analysis as in Chapter 2. To grasp a thorough understanding of the regime complex, a wide literature review on the PGRFA management was undertaken at the international level - from the mid-twentieth century to nowadays - both from scientific legal and non-legal literature. This reading enabled to grasp a broad understanding of the international PGRFA management system. Additionally, as mentioned earlier, law in books and law in practice being two different things, my concomitant experience as negotiator and observer in Treaty meetings provided other useful knowledge, used as a support tool to clarify the context and understand the law accordingly. The description of the tensions arising from the international seed regime complex between 1950 and 2004 constitute the basis for the evaluation of the current International Treaty regulatory setting, covered in Chapters 4 and 5 of this book.
Below, four major challenges encountered by stakeholders in the exchanges of and access to PGRFA are exposed. These are: the existing tension between public seeds and intellectual property rights; the tension between advancements in biotechnology by mega agrochemical companies and small-scale farmers; the tension between farmers’ seed systems for the exchanges of PGRFA and national or international over-regulation on access to seeds; and the North/South divide.
More on the topic Demba is a small farmer in Mali who grows different varieties of millet, sorghum, cowpea and peanuts (i.e. plant genetic resources for food and agriculture) on his 0.35hafield.:
- The commons and the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture
- The International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture
- The negotiations of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture were not alien to, but strongly influenced by the historical and geopolitical context in which they were developed (see Chapters 2 and 3 this book).1
- The International Undertaking on Plant Genetic Resources: a failed attempt to keep resources in the public domain
- The rise of the breeding industry, modern biotechnology and IPRs: genetic resources gain economic value
- Appropriation of plant varieties and their collective management: a challenging equilibrium between the promotion of agricultural innovation and Farmers' Rights
- The CBDs contractual approach to access genetic resources: the rise of States' sovereign rights
- The food system encompasses the full life cycle of food. In addition to agriculture, this includes activities that take place off the farm
- Sustainable agriculture and food security as Treaty overall goals
- “Agriculture” refers to the cultivation of crops and the raising of animals for the “4Fs”: food, feed, fuel, and fiber.
- The tension between advancements in biotechnology led by mega-agri-businesses and small-scale farmers: raising an economic imbalance
- C. Small Business Administration Lending Programs
- The Use of Novel Food Material in Health Food
- 2. Plant-Forward Alternatives
- Online resources
- Internet resources
- Inspiring an effective Plant Treaty with the ‘theory of the commons’
- In the spirit of ‘thinking through the international' and reflecting on the ways of (historical and juridical) seeing that might enliven (or temper) such thinking, I want to ask a question and make a small plea.