Gold Coast and Dahomey
In the first two decades of the eighteenth century, the Atlantic slave trade from the Gold Coast to the Americas dramatically increased. This growth coincided with the expanding political, economic, and military influence of the Asante Kingdom.
Through its military campaigns, the kingdom could exert control on the inland reserves of gold and ivory. War generated prisoners, and conquered polities paid tributes to the Asante in the form of slaves as well.23 Captured dozens of miles inland, these persons were sold to West African agents who transported them to the coast, where they were sold to Fante intermediaries, who in turn traded them to European merchants.24 The Asante Kingdom waged wars in the north, west, and southeast regions of the Gold Coast but sometimes also challenged Fante’s dominance along the coast. To ensure their role as intermediaries of the Atlantic slave trade, the Fante also built alliances with other states to prevent the Asante from gaining access to the coast. During occasional direct conflicts, the Fante captured Asante prisoners, whom they sold into slavery as well. While the sale of African captives financed further Asante military campaigns, warfare propelled raids and banditry, which also became additional methods to acquire slaves. As in other West African regions, the growing volume of the Atlantic slave trade during this period impacted local communities, who experienced growing insecurity and exposure to violence.The Fon Kingdom of Dahomey (in today’s southern Republic of Benin) emerged in the seventeenth century. As the kingdom expanded, warfare also became its main form of acquiring enslaved individuals. As in the Kingdom of Kongo, the tradition established during the reign of King Wegbaja, who ruled the kingdom from approximately 1645 to 1685, prevented selling Dahomean residents.
Rulers enforced this norm so strictly that they even prohibited the sale of female captives who became pregnant during their transit through the kingdom’s territory.25 But despite these restrictions, there are several examples of Dahomean subjects sold into slavery, especially during the tumultuous periods of succession to the throne.26During the reign of King Agaja, Dahomey conquered the Kingdom of Allada in 1724 and the Kingdom of Hueda in 1727. These kingdoms were two epicenters of the external slave trade from the Bight of Benin. These conquests led to an expansion of Dahomey’s territory that gave the kingdom access to the Atlantic seaport of Ouidah, once part of the Kingdom of Hueda. In the following years, Dahomey became a central player in the Atlantic slave trade and constantly led military campaigns against its neighbors, including the Mahi in the north, the Ewe in the west, and Yoruba-speaking polities from the northeast (including the Yoruba town of Ketu) to farther east in the Egba region, corresponding to today’s region of Abeokuta in Nigeria. Dahomey could keep prisoners of war enslaved locally to perform a variety of tasks such as agricultural work, as well as in professions such as soldiers, healers, diviners, and artisans. Other captives were sacrificed during the Annual Customs. These religious ceremonies (figure 2.1) attended by European agents such as Archibald Dalzel, the director of the English fort in Ouidah between 1767 and 1770, were designed to honor royal ancestors and deities of Vodun, a religion characterized by trance, spirit possession, and the worship of numerous gods.27 The festivities were also occasions for the king to display and distribute material wealth.28 However, as the Atlantic slave trade evolved during the eighteenth century, most of these captives were sold to European and American merchants established on the coast.29
Figure 2.1.
Last Day of the Annual Customs for Watering the Graves of the King’s Ancestors. Archibald Dalzel, The History of Dahomey: An Inland Kingdom of Africa (London: T. Spilsbury and Son, 1793), facing p. 55.
Despite its power, Dahomey domination in the region was constantly challenged. Since the seventeenth century, the Yoruba Kingdom of Oyo had expanded its territory to become the largest and richest West African empire in the eighteenth century. After several incursions in the 1720s and 1730s, Oyo made Dahomey a tributary state in 1748, a position that lasted until 1823, even though Dahomey frequently refused to pay tributes.30 Royal artisans narrated these conflicts and other wars in appliqué hangings, a technique still employed by Abomey artisans who sell their works to tourists at the palace’s courtyards. These military campaigns are also depicted in bas-reliefs displayed on the walls of the eighteenth-century earthen royal palaces of Abomey, the kingdom’s former capital city. Produced by artisans in the service of the kings, the rich bas-reliefs depict the emblems of the various rulers as well as warriors fighting and beheading their opponents. For example, one bas-relief on the facade of King Glele’s palace shows a Dahomean warrior pointing a shooting gun at another warrior holding a bow. Other bas-reliefs show Daghessou, a mythical personage with an animal head and horns and a human body, holding a firearm and other kinds of weapons. The facade of King Gezo’s palace displays bas-reliefs depicting Dahomean women warriors (labeled by European chroniclers as “amazons”) carrying prisoners of war on their backs. Another represents horses transporting the head of a neighboring polity’s chief. Ultimately, these poignant visual accounts of the wars Dahomey waged against other polities illustrate how warfare was used as a method to acquire slaves in the area during the period of the Atlantic slave trade.31
Like any kind of art produced in a royal court, the bas-reliefs were instruments of royal propaganda intended to memorialize the feats of the various Dahomean rulers.
Still, these depictions are not just creative renderings. Many existing accounts from the period support these visual representations of violence. European travelogues along with the extensive correspondence between Dahomean and Portuguese rulers from the middle of the eighteenth to the early nineteenth centuries narrated in detail the wars waged by the Kingdom of Dahomey against its neighbors.32 Sieur Pierre Raingeard, the captain of the French slave ship Mars from Nantes, left an account describing the invasion of the Kingdom of Hueda by the Dahomean army.33 According to what locals reported to him, the Dahomean army captured their people, sold the best individuals, and left the others to die.34 In addition, after a visit to Savi, the ancient capital of the Kingdom of Hueda situated near Ouidah, Raingeard was led to the beach, where he met the merchants and captains of the French Compagnie des Indes, who told him that in the last fifteen days very few captives were available, leading him to conclude that the war was hindering the slave trade in the region.Many men and women were captured in the hinterland of the Bight of Benin during the wars that ravaged the region in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, even though sometimes the firsthand accounts left by the victims of the Atlantic slave trade are unclear on whether they were captured during a specific war or kidnapped as byproducts of these conflicts. Between 1728 and 1732, the Dahomean army captured the healer Domingos Álvares in the Mahi country at the north. From there he was brought to Jakin (a port near present-day Godomey between Porto-Novo and Ouidah, in the Republic of Benin) and sold into slavery in Brazil.35 In 1782, a freedwoman named Belinda petitioned the Massachusetts legislature in the newly independent United States to obtain a pension from the estate of her deceased owner, the wealthy loyalist Isaac Royall Jr.36 Likely written by her attorney, the petition is a third-person narrative recounting Belinda’s enslavement in West Africa and her ordeals as an enslaved woman in Antigua and colonial Massachusetts.37 According to the narrative, she was captured before the age of twelve, placing her enslavement in the 1720s.
The petition also described her captors as white men, armed with bows and arrows, who transported her and other people from her country in chains to be sold into slavery on the coast. As we have already discussed, the presence of European raiders in the interior of West African coasts was unlikely in the eighteenth century, as in this region they were usually limited to the coastal areas. The account referring to an idyllic West Africa of “mountains Covered with spicy forests, the valleys loaded with the richest fruits” provided in the petition places Belinda in a location at the banks of the Volta River on the Gold Coast.38 But the account also mentioned the Orisha, a religion practiced by Yoruba speakers, therefore suggesting that she could have been captured in Yorubaland (where several polities of Yoruba speakers were located) and that her homeland could be near the coast or the hinterland of the Bight of Benin. Therefore, despite the petition’s embellished and vague narrative, Belinda, like other young men, women, and children captured in this region to be sold to the Americas, may well have been a victim of a raid or a prisoner of war.
More on the topic Gold Coast and Dahomey:
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- Currencies and Goods to Purchase Enslaved People
- Araujo Ana Lucia. Humans in Shackles: An Atlantic History of Slavery. University of Chicago Press,2024. — 1702 р., 2024
- Pawns and Family Members
- Sex in Atlantic West Central Africa and West Africa
- Kidnapped and Sold into Slavery