Currencies and Goods to Purchase Enslaved People
European and American slave ships headed to Africa, carrying a great variety of commodities from Europe, Asia, and the Americas that were used as currencies, including gold, sugarcane brandies, wines, tobacco, textiles, firearms, and gunpowder.
Slave ship cargoes also included foodstuffs such as manioc flour and beef; manufactured items such as glassware, metalware, apparel, hats, pipes, knives, and spears; and luxury articles such as fine textiles, swords and other insignias of power made of silver and gold, as well as clothing items. Some of these items were intended to be given as gifts to African rulers, traders, and other intermediaries to obtain particular favors during their transactions. These presents, which in many cases operated as a customs fee, were an important element of the commercial exchanges between Europeans and Africans during the era of the Atlantic slave trade.57 Vessels heading to Africa also transported food and water for the crew members and an assortment of shackles and chains to restrain the human cargo to be transported to the Americas. Although the bilateral trade predominated in the South Atlantic system, some voyages followed the classic triangular model. Vessels carrying goods also departed from Portugal and sailed to Africa to trade in enslaved Africans and then crossed the Atlantic Ocean again to reach Brazil.58By the seventeenth century, Portuguese and French merchants purchased enslaved Africans from West African and West Central African traders by paying them with bundles containing various goods, conceived as a unit. In these regions, each set comprising specific products in predetermined sizes was referred to as a “piece” and later as a “head,” a clear reference to the enslaved person to be acquired with the bundle of merchandise.59 In each port controlled by a given polity, there was also a particular protocol before initiating the trade, which included exchanging messages, providing gifts, and scheduling meetings.
On the coast and inland, the Atlantic trade in enslaved Africans relied on intermediaries who acted as domestic traders and brokers. African agents, stationed on the coast to regulate the trade, occupied particular offices and were at the service of their rulers. These middlemen were in charge of giving permission to Europeans to start the trade. They also collected taxes, received gifts, and provided other agents with goods allowing them to procure enslaved individuals to be sold on the coast.Some observers from Europe saw Africa as having no currencies. Their accounts often described the commercial exchanges during the era of the Atlantic slave trade as barter, in which Europeans acquired enslaved Africans with baubles. For example, Samuel Robinson, a young British sailor whose correspondence was published in the nineteenth century, stated in a letter of April 1800, that “there is no money circulating in Africa, all business is transacted by way of exchanging one commodity for another.”60 This idea is obviously inaccurate. As historian Toby Green has explained, even before the rise of the Atlantic exchanges, Africans had been using a variety of currencies in the trans-Saharan trade.61 Therefore, the trade between African and European agents consisted of complex and monetized operations. In other words, European traders never purchased enslaved Africans with random items. They procured African captives by paying local agents with commodities such as iron bars, cowrie shells, and various types of cloth in colors and patterns that were appreciated and widely employed as currencies in the ports of West Africa and West Central Africa, regions that also produced their own textiles used as currencies earlier before the rise of the Atlantic slave trade.62 Textiles in specific sizes transported in European ships were initially imported from China and India, but by the late eighteenth century, Portugal, France, the Dutch Republic, and Britain had developed their own imitations.63 Either textiles or iron bars had also a use value.
Blacksmiths could transform iron bars into a variety of weapons and agricultural tools. Tailors could also convert cloth strips into pieces of clothing.64Other forms of currency included lengths of copper (called “Guinea rods”) and manillas made of brass and copper-lead amalgam in various sizes, shapes, and weights.65 Each region had its preferred currencies, which changed over time as the Atlantic slave trade developed.66 Coral, amber, crystal, and especially glass beads were also used as currencies. Although there is no consensus about where these beads originated in Africa, a huge number of varying trade beads from West Africa, Asia, and the Mediterranean were uncovered in two West African archaeological sites dated between the ninth and tenth centuries in Mali and southeastern Nigeria earlier, before the rise of the Atlantic slave trade.67 Sixteenth-century written records also refer to the use of beads in commercial exchanges between Europeans and Africans. As they were greatly appreciated, Europeans also started manufacturing them in a variety of colors and designs. In Dahomey, oral tradition that still survives today refers to glass beads as symbols of wealth. They were believed to derive from the excrement of the snake (dan), a sacred animal (and deity) symbolizing the kingdom.68
The tastes and specific preferences for particular commodities and luxury products by African rulers and their subjects shaped the Atlantic slave trade. Both in the North Atlantic and the South Atlantic systems, slave merchants from Europe and the Americas transported valuable goods that responded to the demands of African traders and inland communities. For African rulers, the display of refined imported objects was a powerful statement of their economic, political, and symbolic power. Take the example of the rulers of the Kingdom of Dahomey who during the eighteenth century developed a preference for a Brazilian third-rate tobacco cultivated in Bahia.69 This predilection propelled Portuguese and Brazilian traders to settle in the ports of the Bight of Benin such as Ouidah, where they purchased enslaved Africans with Bahian tobacco.
In the region of Luanda and Benguela, local rulers and their dependents also appreciated Brazilian aguardente introduced in the region in the seventeenth century, with which slave merchants acquired enslaved Africans.70 Local agents and their subjects knew in detail the goods they were obtaining and protested when they were cheated. African agents complained when merchants sold substandard merchandise such as firearms, for example. In 1777, Jacques Guestard, then the director of the French fort in Ouidah, refused to pay compensation to King Kpengla for defective muskets that allegedly “punctured, killed, and injured” his subjects. By refusing to pay an indemnity, Guestard claimed to protect the interests of the French nation and slave merchants because such claims could become the norm.71 In the early nineteenth century, the king of Dahomey also complained that the storekeeper of the Portuguese fort was watering down the barrels of aguardente.72On the Gold Coast, the intensification of the Atlantic slave trade in Cape Coast and Anomabu during the eighteenth century gave more power to Fante intermediaries who increasingly demanded that British slave merchants provide them with luxury items.73 Likewise, in the ports of the Loango coast as well as in Luanda, these local agents accumulated more wealth. In some cases, their growing affluence threatened the political power of members of the local nobility, creating divisions in their home societies.74 Similar offices also existed in Dahomey. In Ouidah, its main slave port, the king of Dahomey appointed middlemen holding the title of tegan and later that of yovogan, meaning “chief of the white men.”75 These individuals were “governors” of sorts, who negotiated the terms of the slave trade with the Portuguese, the French, and the English, who, starting in the eighteenth century, established fortresses in Ouidah. Occasionally, these local agents could enter into conflict not only with the king of Dahomey but also with Brazilian merchants and European governors posted in these forts.76
In the ports of Senegambia, such as Gorée Island and Saint-Louis, slave traders also included the offspring of enslaved and free African women of various ethnicities with Portuguese, French, British, Irish, Alsatian, and American men, as well as other locally born African men and women.77 In Accra, on the Gold Coast, locally born free African women married Danish traders stationed at the Fort Christiansborg.78 Likewise, in Cape Coast, local women who engaged in unions with British men also became crucial agents in the Atlantic slave trade.79 In Luanda and Benguela, the two Portuguese colonies and main slave ports of West Central Africa, many intermediaries who settled on the coast were Portuguese and Brazilian individuals and their descendants.80 Itinerant traders who went inland to procure slaves in caravans composed of hundreds of individuals also included Africans and Luso-Africans.81 In these ports as in the various parts of Atlantic Africa where these unions occurred, African women became trade partners of their European spouses.
Their African-European children also became important players in the Atlantic slave trade, especially during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Yet, these alliances were not always based on harmonious exchanges. As already discussed in chapter 2, despite being traders, as the slave trade intensified during the eighteenth century, local agents and even royals were never totally protected against being captured by raiders and sold into slavery themselves by their opponents, especially in periods of greater instability.
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- Araujo Ana Lucia. Humans in Shackles: An Atlantic History of Slavery. University of Chicago Press,2024. — 1702 р., 2024
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