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The new co-editor of the Savigny-Zeitschrift and member of the Akademie für Deutsches Recht

1936 - the year of Koschaker’s arrival in Berlin - coincides with another important stage in his academic career, namely his acceptance on the editorial board of the Roman law section (Romanistische Abteilung) of the Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung.

Since 1933, the year the Nazis seized power, all German journals went through the so-called Gleichschaltung imposed by the new regime. Some of them adapted very quickly to the new situation in 1933, others took a little longer, between 1934 and 1935, when the Zitierverbote of the so-called Judenzitate (the ban on quoting Jewish authors in journals and books) took effect.[252] Like all other German journals, therefore, the Savigny- Zeitschrift went through the Aryanisation (Arisierung). Still in 1933, two of the five chief editors were Jewish, namely Levy[253] and Rabel, Levy playing an eminent role within the editorial board. In 1934, their names appeared on the cover page of the journal, but the volume contained an explanation (Erklärung) at the end with two messages: the first explained that regrettably Rabel had had to leave the group of the chief editors, the Gesamtredaktion (under the message are the names of Levy, Heymann, Stutz and Feine)[254]; the second announced with regret and surprise the retirement of Levy, the Gesamtredaktion ' s main editor (der geschaftsfuhrende Redaktor) 32 From the first months of 1934, therefore, the editorial board of the Savigny-Zeitschrift (Romanistische Abteilung) contained no Jewish members (the so-called Entjudung).

This sequence of events also concerned Koschaker. In March 1934, he had been requested to take the place of his close friend Rabel, who had resigned in January of the same year, but Koschaker refused to do so. Wenger therefore took Rabel's place.[255] [256] With Levy and Koschaker as the main editors of the journal, along with Heymann, Stutz and Feine, there seemed to be a safe and cautious enough combination to calm the worries of the publisher Karl Rauch.[257] However, when Koschaker refused to join the editorial board, Levy also decided to stand down (he would have otherwise have remained).

He considered Koschaker's decision to be a slap in the face ("Schlag ins Gesicht’)[258] Kreller then took Levy's position and a new "Aryan” committee was formed. When Wenger was offered a position at the University of Vienna in 1936 and was forced to give up his position on the board,[259] the place was once again offered to Koschaker, who this time accepted it. The events connected with his appointment as a co-editor of the Savigny- Zeitschrift have been used as an indication that Koschaker was close to the Nazi regime, in other words, a supporter "despite himself’.[260] However, it is clear from two letters Koschaker sent to Rabel that he feared being main co-editor of the journal with Levy because he himself had studied "non Aryan laws’ and Levy was Jewish, potentially an unwelcome combination. According to Koschaker, in a short period both of them would be removed from their respective positions, and he wanted to protect himself.[261]

Finkenauer and Hermann referred to this conduct as the opportunism of a man interested in his career, who did not want to be compromised, and Koschaker’s human weaknesses emerge from these events.[262]

Similar considerations can also be made with regard to the events surrounding his participation as a member of the Akademie fur Deutsches Recht and the lecture he gave there in December 1937. This academy had been instituted in 1933 by the Nazi regime in order to promote German law (a "deuisches Gemeinrecht”):'[263]'' its president being Frank, who was Commissioner of the Reich for the Standardisation of Justice (Reichskommissar fur die Gleichschaltung der Justiz) in 1937.[264] Just one year earlier, Frank had been invited to give a lecture at the Fascist Institute of Culture (Istituto fascista di cultura) in Rome: clearly influenced by the theories on German law elaborated over the decades by scholars like Chamberlain, Leonhard and Wagemann, he explained that one may distinguish between an original "Roman law”, which was still the unalterated law of a "Nordic population”, and a "Roman law” of the later period, developed under the deleterious influence of Oriental laws (and the Jewish influence, in particular).[265] Moreover, according to the dominant trend of that time among Germanists,[266] it appeared from Frank’s lecture that the target of regime’s hatred was no longer the so-called "Roman law of the Romans”, but rather the Roman law as studied and developed by the pandectists.[267] Nonetheless, the hostility of the Nazi regime towards Roman law was unquestionable and Point 19 of the programme of the NSDAP represented an attack on it.[268]

When Koschaker was invited to talk at the Akademie für Deutsches Recht, he decided nonetheless to deal with Roman law and, in particular, with the crisis it was undergoing in Germany at the time.

As Calasso pointed out, for the first time a German scholar had decided to talk about such a topic during an event organised by the Nazis and in a Nazi institution. Calasso, and many other scholars after him, did not hesitate to call Koschaker’s lecture a turning point, because it represented a reaction against the regime and in favour of Roman law.[269] Nonetheless, Giaro has more recently stressed - with a touch of sarcasm, but also with good reason - that Koschaker did not attack the regime, otherwise the Gestapo would have arrested him.[270] Once again the dichotomy between the heroic idealised anti-Nazi scholar and the almost “unaware” Nazi emerges among scholars, with both representations going too far in their judgments. Even if it is true that the decision to deal with Roman law and its crisis in Germany on such an occasion may have caused consternation among the Nazi audience, it is nevertheless implicit that agreeing to speak before such an audience meant, at the same time, accepting the rules and procedures of the people who formed that audience. It is also necessary to remember that Koschaker was a member of the Akademie für Deutsches Recht. As in the case of his call to be a co-editor of the Savigny-Zeitschrift, mutatis mutandis, Koschaker’s behaviour may appear as opportunistic and self-interested in assuring himself a safe and brilliant career; yet, in this case, his dedication to Roman law plays an important role as well. In any case, the circumstances surrounding the lecture at the Akademie für Deutsches Recht deserve further analysis, which will be carried out later in this book.[271] In fact, it is important not only to get closer to the content of the long essay that Koschaker published and based on the text of his lecture, to understand its meaning; it is also imperative to take into consideration reactions to his work, as they mainly appeared in Italy and in Germany.

3.4

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Source: Beggio T.. Paul Koschaker (1879-1951): Rediscovering the Roman Foundations of European Legal Tradition. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter,2018. — 334 p.. 2018

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  2. The supremacy of Union law over the laws of the member states
  3. Roman law at the time of the crisis: from Die Krise to Europa und das römische Recht
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  5. 4.4 The time in Tübingen: research and teaching
  6. 4.3 Negotiations and his arrival in Tübingen
  7. 4.5 Koschaker’s pupils in Tübingen: Below, Wesenberg and Pescatore
  8. 4.6 The last years in Tübingen and the Emeritierung
  9. Franziska Müllei'
  10. Franziska Müller and Mena Sondermann
  11. 1941-1951: the years in T übingen and after WWII
  12. 3.1 A short premise
  13. 4.1 Introduction
  14. 5.2 The crisis of Roman law
  15. 5.1 Introduction
  16. 5.6 Final remarks on Die Krise des römischen Rechts und die romanistische Rechtswissenschaft
  17. THEORIES OF MIXED OCCUPATION
  18. LIST OF PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS
  19. List of archival sources
  20. The nature of Directives