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From Cetera Bona to Independent General Pledge

The earliest evidence of the second evolutionary stage of the general pledge is Gaius's opinion on a combination of a special pledge and a pledge of the debtor's ‘other assets' (cetera bona).

This was already a general pledge, in the sense of a pledge of all the debtor's present and future assets (minus the spe­cially pledged assets). From a few decades later we have the first evidence of the third and final evolutionary stage. In several opinions by Scaevola and Papinianus, later followed by many other jurists' opinions and imperial con­stitutions, the independent general pledge of all the debtor's present and future assets is recognized.[1006] [1007] Again, it can be observed that at some stage the praetor responded to a new transactional practice, by extending the existing remedies for pignus and hypotheca to creditors who had negotiated such wide-ranging security with their debtors. The praetor would accept that the description of the pledged assets required by the intentio of the formula of the actio Serviana was based on the transactional practices discussed by Gaius, Scaevola, Papinian, and other jurists. Moreover, in respect of general pledges, the jurists expressly stated that it was not required that the pledged assets were (as the formula of the actio Serviana prescribed) in bonis debitoris at the time the conventio pignoris was entered into/2

Cetera bona pledge: Gai. D. 20.1.15.1

The objects of the pledges discussed in the previous section concerned a class of assets within the debtor's patrimony: buildings, tools, inventory, herd, mer­chandise etc. From the second century ad onwards, we have abundant evidence in the Corpus iuris civilis (but not in the epigraphic sources) of general pledges, which were granted over all the debtor's present and future assets. The direct ancestor of this general ‘all assets' pledge is the so-called cetera bona pledge: the combination of a special pledge over one or more specified assets and a general pledge over all the debtor's (present and future) other assets.

Not only is this form of general pledge extremely important from a historical-evolutionary perspective, it is also crucial for solving the main con­troversy in modern Romanist literature: the question of whether or not the general pledge could be objected against subsequent purchasers of generally pledged assets.

From Gaius we have in D. 20.1.15.1 one of the two most important sources of information on the nature and purpose of the general pledge.[1008] [1009] [1010] [1011] [1012] In his com­mentary on the formula hypothecaria, written somewhere between 153 and 179 ad,54 Gaius says that the condition of in bonis esse must be applied differ­ently to special and general (cetera bona) pledges.

D. 20.1.15.1. Gaius libro singulari ad formulam hypothecariam. Quod dicitur creditorem probare debere, cum conveniebat, rem in bonis debitoris fuisse, ad eam conventionem pertinet, quae specialiter facta est, non ad illam, quae cottidie inseri solet cautionibus, ut specialiter rebus hypothecae nomine datis cetera etiam bona teneantur debitoris, quae nunc habet et quae postea adquisierit, perinde atque si specialiter hae res fuissent obligatae.

When it is said that the creditor should prove that, when he made the agree­ment, the thing was in the debtor's patrimony, this applies to that agreement that has been especially made, not to the clause commonly inserted in deeds that beside the property specially hypothecated, the debtor's remaining assets, both those which he now has and those which he will afterwards acquire, will be liable in the same manner as if these things were especially charged.55

From a dogmatic perspective Gai. D. 20.1.15.1 is important because it says that in respect of assets not pledged specialiter, the condition of the actio Serviana that the pledged goods should at the time of the pledge agreement be in bonis of the debtor does not apply/6 From a historical-evolutionary per­spective Gai.

D. 20.1.15.1 is important, because it is one of the oldest texts on a general pledge, dating from the second half of the second century ad/ The ‘cetera bona pledge' is a variant of the pledge created nuda conventione. Assuming that it was Julian who introduced this purely contractual right of pledge, it may very well be that this form of a general pledge finds its origin in Julian's time.58 At the time of the codification of the praetor's edict the general pledge may already have been common practice.[1013] Moreover, it shows how again, legal evolution was triggered by transactional practices. Gaius says that cetera bona clauses were inserted ‘daily' (‘cottidie’).[1014] This means that either cetera bona pledges were granted on a daily basis, or Roman civilians were familiar with them from their daily experience/[1015] In all likelihood the cetera bona pledge was developed by transactional lawyers and subsequently com­mented upon in jurists' writings like Gai. D. 20.1.15.1.

Gaius D. 20.1.15.1 opposes a conventio which is specialiter made to a pledge agreement in respect of the debtor's cetera bona, the latter variant of pledge therefore apparently not being granted specialiter. Why would the parties cre­ate a special pledge and a general one at the same time? Why would they not simply pledge all the debtor's assets? The most plausible explanation is that at the time when this transactional practice originated, the legal status of the general pledge was not yet fully settled. For that reason one or more valuable assets were singled out and specially pledged/[1016] What does point in this direc­tion is that the parties considered it necessary to say that generally pledged goods will be treated in the same manner as if they were specially pledged (‘perinde atque si specialiter hae res fuissent obligatae’).[1017] [1018] [1019] [1020] The point of refer­ence is still the special pledge and by this analogy, the general pledge is meant to become enforceable/4 As such, the cetera bona pledge could be regarded as a transitory form between the special pledge and the independent general pledge.65

Independent general pledge: Pap.

D. 20.1.1 pr.

From 206-212 ad, several decades after Gaius, we have the other most important opinion on the (independent) general pledge.66

D. 20.1.1 pr. Papinianus libro undecimo responsorum. Conventio generalis in pignore dando bonorum vel postea quaesitorum recepta est: in speciem autem alienae rei collata conventione, si non fuit ei qui pignus dabat debita, postea debitori dominio quaesito difficilius creditori, qui non ignoravit alienum, utilis actio dabitur, sed facilior erit possidenti retentio.

A general agreement to create a pledge is recognised also in respect of those assets that are acquired afterwards. But if the agreement covers specific property of another, which is not then owed to the grantor of the pledge but afterwards has become the ownership of the debtor, the creditor who was not unaware that it was someone else's is not so easily given an utilis actio for it, but it is easier for the possessor to retain it.

The gist of this opinion is the same as that of Gai. D. 20.1.15.1: in case of gen­eral pledges it is not required that the pledged assets were in bonis debitoris at the time the pledge was granted. The words ‘recepta est might indicate that the legal recognition of this type of general pledge had occurred in the recent past, although according to Wubbe they merely indicate that the general pledge was widely recognized, without alluding to its time of origin.[1021] [1022] [1023] [1024] From that past we do, in any case, have jurists' opinions on the independent general pledge: the first opinions unequivocally concerning the independent general pledge are by Gaius's younger contemporary ScaevolaTh These opinions are followed by a long line of jurists' opinions and imperial constitutions con­firming that the possibility to grant a pledge over all the debtor's present and future assets had become firmly anchored in classical Roman law/9

Later purpose of the cetera bona pledge

We also find the cetera bona pledge in later fragments, dating from a period in which the general pledge was firmly embedded in Roman private law/0 This means that uncertainty about the legal status of the general pledge cannot have been the only motive for creating cetera bona pledges in the classical period.

One must assume that, after the general pledge had been fully recognized, the parties who chose to create a cetera bona pledge must have intended the special and the general pledge to have different legal conse­quences.[1025] [1026] [1027] [1028] [1029] [1030] In particular, where the general pledge could not be enforced against certain third parties, there would be a clear interest for both creditor and debtor for agreeing a special pledge on some assets in combination with a general pledge over the remaining assets. Indeed, as will be elaborated in sec­tions 9.6 to 9.8, the most plausible interpretation is that where a general pledge had been granted, the debtor could freely dispose of generally pledged assets, without the pledge continuing to encumber them. This is where most of the added value of a cetera bona pledge lay, after it became settled that the general pledge was valid and enforceable. In addition, in some cases the par­ties may have specially pledged certain assets, because they would have been excepted from a general pledge, such as slaves to which the debtor was emo­tionally attached (e.g., concubines, natural children)/2 Another reason for combining a special pledge with a general one could have been that the special pledge was granted for goods which the debtor already owned and the general pledge for assets acquired by him after the pledge was granted/3 Yet another motive could have been the desire to avoid collective execution proceedings. Where the remaining assets were also pledged to the creditor with a general pledge, the latter could decide to sell only as few assets as would be needed to discharge the (remainder) of the debt. For the creditor this would be more efficient/4 while for the debtor this had the benefit that he did not lose all his assets. Moreover, this would avoid the great social humiliation attached to the public auction of all the debtor's assets/5

Generalis/generaliter

Pap.

D. 20.1.1 pr. refers to a ‘conventio generalis in pignore dando’: a general agreement to grant a pledge/6 In modern literature it is held that a distinction should be made between the manner of granting and the object of the general pledge.[1031] [1032] The words generaliter and generalis concern the (generic) nature of the granting of the pledge. In this view, whenever the pledged goods are gen­erically defined in the pledge agreement we are dealing with a ‘general' pledge. Therefore, in this view, the tenant's pledge, the pledge of a herd, and the pledge of a taberna, were all granted generaliter. In order to describe the widest possible range of pledged objects (i.e., all the debtor's present and future assets), the jurists' opinions and imperial constitutions use the nouns ‘goods' (bona) or ‘things' (res), often accompanied by the attributive numeral ‘all'Th Thus, in one of the earliest texts on the independent general pledge, Scaev. D. 20.4.21 pr., the reference is to a charge of ‘all his goods which he had and which he would have' (‘omnia bona sua quae habebat quaeque habiturus esset') and to ‘all his things' (‘res suas omnes’).[1033] [1034] In a number of texts, however, only the words generaliter or generalis are used, without an express reference to ‘all' the debtor's present and future assets. Do these texts also refer to generic pledges, or are they exclusively concerned with ‘all assets' pledges, security interests encumbering all the goods from time to time present in the debtor's patrimony?

Although the ‘leading' opinions on the general pledge by Gaius (D. 20.1.15.1) and Papinian (D. 20.1.1 pr.) are concerned with all assets pledges/0 some of the other legal opinions could be interpreted as endorsing the view that also generic pledges (invecta et illata, grex, taberna) were granted generaliter. In Gaius D. 20.4.11.2 slaves who were ‘specially' (specialiter) charged are opposed to slaves who were pledged as inducta et illata. The principle exposed by Gaius in D. 20.1.15.1, that in the case of a general pledge agreement (cetera bona) the creditor does not have to prove that they were in bonis of the debtor at the time the pledge was granted, may have given support to Scaevola's opinion in D. 20.1.34 pr. that the creditor could institute the actio Serviana for all that was in the taberna ‘in view of the turnover of stock'. In other words, Scaevola may have regarded the agreement for the pledge of a taberna's merchandise not as ‘specially made' but as a pledge agreement that was made generaliter. This may explain why he apparently did not consider it necessary to restrict the scope of the pledge to merchandise owned by the debtor when the con­ventio pignoris was concluded, but also considered merchandise subsequently acquired as pledged.[1035] [1036] [1037] [1038] [1039] [1040] [1041] It is after Gaius and Scaevola that the meaning of gen- eraliter/generalis definitely shifts from the manner of granting to the object of the general pledge (= the debtor's entire patrimony)/2 It is true that neither Papinian D. 20.1.1 pr. (‘[c]onventio generalis in pignore dando bonorum vel postea quaesitorum) nor Papinian D. 20.4.2 (‘qui generaliter bona debitoris pignori accepif) expressly indicates (for instance by referring to ‘all' the debt­or's goods) that the ‘general' pledge is a pledge of the debtor's entire patri­mony. However, in particular, the context of D. 20.4.2 leaves no doubt that we are dealing with such ‘all assets' pledge/3 During Papinian's lifetime the equation of general pledges with ‘all assets' pledges is followed in the imperial constitutions/4 This line is continued in texts by later jurists and emperors/5 Several constitutions from Diocletian routinely refer to ‘general and special' pledges.86 Although these sources contain no definition which states that generalis/generaliter means that all the debtor's present and future assets are pledged, there is no reason at all to suspect that this was not the case/7

9.4

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Source: Verhagen Hendrik L.. Security and Credit in Roman Law: The Historical Evolution of Pignus and Hypotheca. Oxford University Press,2022. — 448 p.. 2022

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  2. 4. The liber homo bona fide serviens
  3. From Conditional to Unconditional Pledge
  4. Incoming Goods: Pledge of Future Property
  5. CHAPTER XV. SPECIAL CASES (cont.). BONA FIDE SERVIENS. SERVUS MALA FIDE POSSESSUS. SERVUS FRUCTUARIUS, USUARIUS.
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  7. The consequences of non-redemption of the pledge
  8. CHAPTER XXVI. FREEDOM INDEPENDENT OF MANUMISSION.
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  10. 7 From Single to Multiple Pledge
  11. § 41 The legal system of the people of a given state is usually taken to coincide with the period of the independent political existence of that state.
  12. Acceptance that there simply are no transcendent, objective, mind-independent moral values would seem to bear on how one comprehends rights, more particularly moral or non-legal rights.
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  16. General Historical Background