Reconciliation, the final objective of gacaca explored in this book, is among its most commonly and variably discussed aims.
Without prompting during interviews, most Rwandan respondents express some view on reconciliation, including many who describe it as gacaca's cenÂtral objective. This chapter analyses official, popular and critical interÂpretations of reconciliation through gacaca according to the following taxonomy: first, what form do these sources argue reconciliation should take? This question relates to the actors involved, asking whether reconciliation entails rebuilding relationships between individuals, between individuals and groups or on a group-to-group basis.
Second, to what degree should reconciliation be pursued? Does reconciliation constitute a fundamentally pragmatic outcome such as the peaceful cohabitation of previously antagonistic parties, something more ambiÂtious such as the creation of a new dynamic between parties that genÂerates a more meaningful engagement between them than in the past, or an intermediary, retrospective outcome such as a reversion to a form of unity that has been forfeited during conflict? Third, this chapter explores what types of methods these groups believe are necessary to achieve reconciliation. For example, is reconciliation a short- or longÂterm process, which occurs solely through gacaca or in conjunction with other social processes? In the concluding chapter, I draw together the strands of argument from Chapters 5-10 to show that gacaca purÂsues reconciliation by first facilitating the other profound objectives and generally by fostering greater engagement, which is the bridge to reconciliation.Similar to the exploration of popular participation in Chapter 5, this chapter argues that the government’s rhetoric of national unity - a concept that several sources conflate with reconciliation - damÂages the pursuit of reconciliation. In contrast, a boon for gacaca’s prospects of facilitating reconciliation is the extent to which many Rwandans’ religious beliefs shape their views concerning the need for rebuilding broken relationships and the capacity of gacaca to help in this regard. Many communities subsume Christian ideals into their interpretations and practices of gacaca and draw from these substanÂtial energy and motivation for reconciliation. One important conseÂquence of the linkage of theological principles and gacaca is that, on the basis of their religious beliefs, many Rwandans express optimism that gacaca will facilitate reconciliation after the genocide and they actively engage in this pursuit. Nevertheless, empirical evidence from gacaca hearings and interviews in communities around Rwanda highÂlights that reconciliation is at best a distant result in most of the counÂtry, although gacaca constitutes an important starting point in this process.