<<
>>

The Law of the Jurists

As previously observed, by the middle of the third century jurisprudence entered a period of rapid decline and the responsa prudentium soon ceased to be a living source of law.

This development was generated by a combination of factors: the social and economic decay precipitated by the catastrophes of the third century adsize=1>; the crisis of the political system of the Principate and the growing absolutism of the emperor who sought to make himself the sole source of legal progress; the growing influence of Christian thinking that had an ethical orientation with little use for the subtleties of the secular jurisprudential techniques; and the gradual abandonment of the Roman tradition of distilling legal norms from the body of individual cases in favour of a system where decisions in individual cases were controlled by previously formulated general rules. However, it cannot be asserted that the decline of classical jurisprudence was tantamount to a collapse of legal culture in general. Lawyers were still essential in the imperial court, the various government depart­ments, and those agencies in Rome and in the provinces charged with the admin­istration of justice. In the late third and early fourth centuries ad, many state officials in Rome were men steeped in the classical tradition and they sought to defend this tradition against the inroads of eastern and vulgar legal influences.[223] However, it is clear that in the late imperial era the social position of the lawyers and the character of their work had radically changed. The new lawyers no longer worked as individuals who, as members of the senatorial aristocracy, experts in law and representatives of a great and living tradition, presented opinions on legal problems and recorded them in writing.
These lawyers were mere state officials, anonymous members of a vast bureaucratic organization, who simply prepared the resolutions for issue in the name of the emperor.

As already noted, during the Dominate epoch imperial legislation became the principal source of law and the sole means for modifying the current body of law. The old law (embodied in leges, senatus consulta, edicta magistratuum), created and developed by the former agencies of legislation, remained valid. However, it was customary to cite this law not by reference to the original sources, but by reference to the classical jurists' commentaries on them. Moreover, the past emphasis on the development of new law through interpretation of extant legal materials evaporated. The focus now attached to the study and elucidation of the jurists' writings from the Principate era. As jurisprudence ceased to exist as a living source of law, annihilated at its source by the absolutism of the imperial system, literary production in the legal field sank to the level of merely compiling, editing and abridging earlier juristic works. The latter were now treated as a body of finally settled doctrine that could be applied in a case at any time. This body of law was designated ius or ‘jurists' law' in contradistinction to the body of law derived from the enactments of the emperors, known as lex.

However, serious problems beset the application of ius—problems that were intensified by the general passivity of the judges in an age of absolutism, who shied away from seeking original solutions and preferred to rely essentially on established authority. But the sheer vastness of the classical juridical literature made it virtually impossible for the average lawyer to familiarize himself with the material. Furthermore, the classical works contained an extensive range of opinions that often reflected incompatible or contradictory viewpoints. Judges, who were expected to base their decisions upon established authority, often faced the problem of choosing between two or more conflicting sources that in principle were deemed equally authoritative.

The problem was exacerbated by the fact that at a time when legal texts circulated only in manuscript copies, many works attributed to classical jurists were actually not written by them. This situation generated a great deal of confusion as to the state of the law and also opened the door to abuse, as advocates often sought to deceive judges by producing captious quotations from allegedly classical texts. This prompted the urgent need to discover a way for identifying those works that formed part of the authoritative juridical literature and the appropriate solution to adopt if the classical authorities displayed conflicting opinions. The government’s response was a series of legislative enact­ments prescribing the juristic works that should be relied upon by the courts and fixing the degree of authority accorded to different sources. Thus, in ad 321, Emperor Constantine decreed that the critical comments (notae) that the jurists Paulus and Ulpianus had made in connection with the responsa collection of Papinianus were no longer to be used.[224] However, a year later Constantine issued another enactment confirming the authority of Paulus’ other works (especially the Sententiae).[225] In the end, such measures proved inadequate. Theodosius II (Eastern emperor, ad 408-450) and Valentinian III (Western emperor, ad 423-455) thus formulated a new law on the subject in ad 426. The effect of this so-called Law of Citations was that the works of Gaius, Papinianus, Paulus, Ulpianus and Modestinus were made the primary authorities and the only ones that could be cited in a lawsuit. Gaius was the only jurist of the middle Principate period to be chosen, probably because his work was popular and well known. The other jurists belonged to the later Principate period and so manuscript copies of their works must have been readily available. If the authorities adduced on a particular issue disagreed, then the majority view prevailed; if numbers were equal, then the view of Papinianus had to be followed and only if Papinianus was silent was the judge free to make a choice himself.[226] Although the Law of Citations did not provide a definite solution, it imparted a measure of certainty to the administration of justice and remained in force until the time of Justinian.

In the fifth century, legal scholarship experienced a period of revival centred around the law schools of the empire.

The first law school was probably founded in Rome in the late second century and a second such school was later established in Beirut during the third century. As the administrative needs of the empire grew (especially after Diocletian’s reorganisation of the administration), new law schools were established in places such as Alexandria, Caesaria, Athens and Constantinople in the East; and Carthage and Augustodunum in the West. Initially, tuition at the law schools was delivered in Latin but from the early fifth century Greek replaced Latin as the language of instruction. The teaching was conducted by professional law-teachers (antecessores), and the courses offered were components of a fixed curriculum that focused entirely on the systematic study of classical juristic works and imperial constitutions. First, the Institutes of Gaius were discussed and then followed the study of the classical jurists’ opinions ad ius civile and ad edictum embodied in collections (with special attention to the works of Papinianus and Paulus). In the final year, the focus converged on the study of current law and this involved an examination of imperial constitutions dating from the middle of the second century AD. The method of instruction was similar to that used in the schools of rhetoric: a classical work was discussed and clarified step by step and, when possible, compared or contrasted with other relevant works. In this way, general legal principles were formulated and applied to resolve specific problems of law arising from actual or hypothetical cases. At the end of their studies that spanned a maximum of 5 years, students were awarded a certificate that entitled them to serve as advocates in the courts or to join the imperial civil service. Over time, the professional lawyers educated in the law schools (causidici, advocati) replaced the earlier orators (oratores) whose training in law was usually only elementary.[227]

Besides training people for functions in the civil service, the law schools cultivated a scholarly approach to law with a focus on the study and elucidation of the juristic works from the classical period that had evolved into a unitary and peculiar body of law (ius).

The extent to which the ideal of a full education in classical law was realized naturally varied in different periods and places. In the early years of the Dominate period (late third and early fourth centuries AD), a substantial scholarly interest in law apparently existed in the West, with most of this interest probably revolving around the law school in Rome. Since Constantine’s era and especially after Constantinople became the seat of government, the empire’s intellectual centre and thereby the centre of legal culture gradually shifted to the East.[228] In the fifth century ad the study of the classical authorities particularly at the law schools of Beirut and Constantinople engendered a new type of theoretical jurisprudence (as opposed to the largely practical and casuistic jurisprudence familiar to the classical and earlier periods). The East-Roman law professors were admiringly termed the ‘teachers of the universe’, and the most celebrated encompassed Cyrillus, Patricius, Eudoxius, Leontius, Amblichus and Demosthe­nes. It is established that these men composed a diversity of works: commentaries on imperial constitutions and texts of classical jurists; summaries (indices); anno­tations; and collections of rules on particular legal questions. These works were concerned not so much with developing new legal ideas but with helping novices and practitioners acquire a sound knowledge and understanding of the material imparted by the classical Roman jurists. They were also concerned with adapting the classical materials to the demands and conditions of their own times.[229] Despite its lack of originality and its tendency towards simplification, post-classical legal science did succeed in resurrecting genuine familiarity with the entire classical inheritance and facilitating its adaptation to the conditions of the times. The new insight into the essence of the classical law enabled court lawyers trained at the law schools to enhance the technique of imperial legislation and successfully tackle the task of legal codification.
The improvement of legal technique is manifested by the fact that the imperial laws of the late fifth and sixth centuries were superior in clarity and style to those of the early post-classical period. It was largely through the work of the late imperial jurists that the spirit of classical legal science was preserved and found its way into the codification of Justinian and thereby into modern law.

As previously elaborated, in the later imperial epoch the problems surrounding the application of ius were magnified by the fact that the manuscripts containing the works of the classical jurists were few and scarce. Thus these materials were not easily accessible to legal practitioners, especially those working in the provinces. Moreover, as a result of the general decline of legal culture, especially in the West, lawyers encountered increasing difficulties with handling and comprehending the language of the classical texts. Connected to these problems was the appearance of legal works that mainly embodied compilations of assorted extracts from the works of the classical jurists and intended primarily for use by students and legal practi­tioners. The authors of these works (whose names remain largely unknown) selected parts from the original texts that would appear interesting to contemporary readers, whilst other parts were reproduced in a summary form or altogether omitted if they were deemed useless or superfluous. Occasionally passages were replaced with those composed by the authors or entirely new passages were added to render the material more intelligible or adapt the classical texts to transformed conditions. From the point of view of a modern scholar, this tampering distorted rather than improved the texts. However, it must be acknowledged that from the perspective of the post-classical lawyers the classical works were largely outdated and in need of ‘modernization’. Irrespective of its form, the juridical literature of the later imperial period patently reveals one aspect: the extent to which legal thinking remained under the spell of classical jurisprudence. The legal science that existed at that time was concerned exclusively with the classical jurists, whose works were regarded with an almost religious awe by legal practitioners and judges.

Probably the most important post-classical collection of juristic writings is the so-called ‘Vatican Fragments’ (Fragmenta Vaticana) discovered in 1821 in the Vatican library. This work contains extracts from the writings of the jurists Papinianus, Paulus and Ulpianus who lived in the late second and early third centuries. It also includes imperial rescripts dating from the period ad 205-372 that were reproduced from the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes. The texts are arranged in titles according to the subject-matter, with each title preceded by a note indicating the name of the jurist from whose work the materials were extracted or, if the text is a rescript, the name of the emperor who issued it.[230] Another work, dating from the early fourth century, is known under the title of Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum or Comparison between Mosaic and Roman Laws (sometimes abbreviated to Collatio). This work closely resembles the Vatican Fragments with respect to its content and composition but differs from that text as sentences from the first five books of the Old Testament (especially the sayings of Moses) are embodied at the beginning of every title. In addition, it includes texts not only by Paulus, Ulpianus, Papinianus, but also by Gaius and Modestinus. Ostensibly, the purpose of this work was to compare some selected Roman norms with related norms of Mosaic law to show that basic principles of Roman law corresponded with or possibly derived from Mosaic law.[231] Two other works originating from the same period must also be mentioned: the Pauli Sententiae and the Ulpiani Epitome. The first mainly consists of brief pronouncements and rules attributed to the third century jurist Paulus. It covers a broad range of topics relating to both private and criminal law, and was probably used as a handbook by legal practitioners. As it is not certain whether Paulus himself ever wrote a book called Sententiae, this work is now generally assumed to be a brief presentation of Roman law extracted from the writings of Paulus by an unknown author from the latter part of the third century. We have not discovered this work directly; it exists only through citations in the Digest of Justinian and other post-classical compila­tions of law.[232] The Ulpiani Epitome was probably an abridgment of Ulpianus’ work liber singularis regularum (Rules of Law in One Book). It was composed in the late third or early fourth century and, like the Pauli Sententiae, was probably used by practitioners. This work has reached us in an incomplete form through a manuscript dating from the tenth or eleventh century.[233] Two important works from the East have survived: the Syrio-Roman book of law and the Scholia Sinaitica. The first was composed in Greek by an unknown author in the late fifth century and used as a textbook for students in the law school of Beirut.[234] The second was a collection of fragments from a commentary in Greek on the work of Ulpianus’ libri ad Sabinum that was probably composed at the law school of Beirut where it was used for instructional purposes.[235]

2.5.3      

<< | >>
Source: Mousourakis G.. Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition. Springer,2015. — 339 p.. 2015

More on the topic The Law of the Jurists:

  1. CHAPTER VIII The Jurists and Jurists’ Law
  2. The Jurists' Law
  3. Post-classical jurists and law-schools
  4. The Law of the Jurists
  5. It is difficult to provide a comprehensive and finite list of the sources of Roman law, since the Roman jurists never defined the term 'source of law' and different sources were emphasized at certain periods in the history of the Roman legal system to reflect their prominence as instruments of legal reform.
  6. C. THE INDIVIDUAL JURISTS
  7. I THE JURISTS AND THE LEGALPROFESSION
  8. I THE JURISTS
  9. Other republican jurists
  10. The Roman Jurists
  11. THE JURISTS IN THE CLASSICAL PERIOD
  12. The work of the jurists
  13. GELLIUS MEETS THE JURISTS
  14. Jurists of the second century
  15. I THE JURISTS