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DECLINE AND DECADENCE

The decline and decadence theme has a rich past in legal scholarship. Roman­ists have pointed out that the law presented in the codifications starting from the Codex Gregorianus was the law of past Roman jurists, as legal innova­tion had died out centuries earlier.

In jurisprudence, the post-classical period begins at the end of the third century. Kaser spoke of decline and decay; Schulz of transformation to simple forms and rules, and the advent of the bureaucratic period. In the current literature, these views have been moder­ated considerably and scholars now prefer to stress the continuity of the Roman law tradition.[96]

The most commonly ascribed elements of decline are linked to the usual companions of bureaucracy: corruption, favouritism, bureaucratism and high taxes. Corruption was apparently rife, but so were attempts to stamp it out. Favouritism existed too, but only alongside the possibility of career advances regardless of birth. Bureaucratism, administrative inertia, infighting among officials and the abuse of power to further one's own personal interests were common features of the imperial system, but so were ambitious attempts by officials, judges and emperors to combat these weaknesses. The finan­cial burden of running such a sprawling administrative apparatus was a very serious problem that was never adequately addressed, and the Empire was continually striving to get more out of less. To make matters worse, inflation hampered efforts at effective tax-gathering. However, the system persisted until the Persian wars that led to the loss of the most profitable provinces and their revenue. The Arab invasion provided the final blow to the old Roman imperial administrative system, which was replaced by the Byzantine theme system.[97]

The difference between the Early and Late Empire could be that an effort was made to govern the provinces for good and for bad.

If a provincial had to pull strings to get his message through to the emperor, at least he had a theoretical chance of having his case heard. The fact that we have so many complaints and petitions from ordinary people does not necessarily mean that ordinary people were extraordinarily badly off; neither does the fact that nothing has survived of the life of ordinary people during the Early Empire mean things were well. The transformation of sources can be misleading as the volume of the sources multiplies, and lower social strata appear. To define decline requires a value judgment: was a heavy, centralised bureaucracy, headed by an all-powerful, but at times simply bad, emperor better than the light central government, which gave substantial autonomy to the provinces? And whose opinion should weigh more: should we see things from the point of view of the “administration” or the “people”, two heterogeneous groups claiming to represent the reification of the Empire? Centre or periphery?

The approach proposed by Jill Harries, of seeing law in late antiquity from the viewpoints of both makers and recipients, may, after all, be the most fruitful. The viewpoints of the centre and periphery are simply two sides of the same coin and should be seen interacting. The nature of imperial rule in late antiquity as “both autocratic and populist”, both exuding sovereign power and seeking universal consent,[98] cannot be understood using the Republican model of Rome. This is in my view the fundamental problem of the “decline or transformation” debate: should the gradual disappearance of the characteristics of the idealised Antonine empire that symbolised the shadow of modernity to the scholars of the nineteenth century be called a decline, or should late antiquity be judged by its own standards?[99]

Decline and perceptions of decline are, and were, based on value judgments. Traditionally the ideal form of state has been the Athenian democracy or Republican Rome.

In contrast, the Late Empire is seen in a more negative light and its autocratic tendencies, elaborate ceremonies, immeasurable cruelty and unmanly eunuchs are emphasised. The orientalising contrast that is imbedded in this cultural image makes a contrast between the Republican citizen-soldier, who is collected from the fields to be a dictator, leads the army to victory and promptly returns to plough his fields on one hand, and the corrupt, effeminate courtier immersed in luxury and capable of devious cunning and shady plots on the other. The contrast between the Greeks and the Persians, the Europeans against the Turks, is one of austere, vigorous, and virtuous free men against corruption, inertia, luxury and the vice of a shady bureaucracy.[100]

Looked at from an historical perspective, the decline or transformation of the Empire as an administrative unit began in the West in the early fifth century. In 410 Britain and Armorica threw out imperial administration, and there were separatist movements and barbarian invasions throughout the Empire. After 425 the Huns arrived and the Goths became more asser­tive; meanwhile Vandals took the rich African provinces. The fiscal base of the Empire was eroded by the loss of these provinces, and costs spiralled out of control because of the need to fight these conflicts. Due to these developments, the provincial-barbarian link became more workable than that of centre-province; as a result, administration was increasingly run by landowning elites, with growing regional tendencies.

Still, we have sources that attest to legal integration from the other side of the old Empire. A recent article by Antti Arjava based on the Petra papyri demonstrates imperial law at work in Petra in present-day Jordan in the early sixth century.[101]

G.

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Source: Cairns J.W., Plessis P.J. du. (eds.). Beyond Dogmatics: Law and Society in the Roman World. Edinburgh University Press,2007. - 236 p.. 2007

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