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7.3.1 The Glossators

The principal centre of Roman law studies in Italy was the newly founded (c. 1084) University of Bologna, the first modern European university where law was a major subject.[694] By the close of the thirteenth century, a number of similar schools had been established at Mantua, Piacenza, Modena, Parma and other cities of Northern and Central Italy, as well as in Southern France.

The law school of Bologna owed its fame to the grammarian Irnerius (c. 1055-1130), who around 1088 began lecturing on the Digest and other parts of Justinian’s codification. This jurist came to be regarded as the founder of the school, although he does not appear to have been the first teacher at this institution (the first public course of law at Bologna was delivered in 1075 by the Pavian jurist Pepo (Joseph), who was probably a teacher of Irnerius). Irnerius’s fame attracted students from all parts of Europe to study at the Bologna school that had around 10,000 students by the middle of the twelfth century.[695] The jurists of Bologna set themselves the task of presenting a clear and complete statement of Roman law through a painstaking study of Justinian’s texts (instead of the vulgarised versions of Roman law contained in the various Germanic compilations usually relied upon in the past). Their object was to re-establish Roman law as a science—a systematic body of principles and not simply a tool for practitioners. However, the ancient texts were unwieldy as they contained an immense body of often ill-arranged materials and dealt with a multitude of institutions and problems that were no longer known. Therefore, the first task to accomplish was the accurate reconstruction and expla­nation of the texts.[696]

The work of interpretation was closely connected with the Bolognese jurists’ methods of teaching and performed by means of short notes (glossae) explaining difficult terms or phrases in a text and providing the necessary cross-references and reconciliations without which the text would be unusable.

These notes were written either in the space between the lines of the original text (glossae interlineares), or in the margin of the text (glossae marginales). The extended glosses of a single jurist formed a connected commentary on a particular legal topic and this continuous glossing of the texts entailed the emergence of entire collections or apparatuses of glosses that addressed individual parts or the whole of Justinian’s codification. By employing the general pattern of scholastic reasoning, the Bolognese jurists (desig­nated Glossators, Glossatores) sought to expose the conceptual and logical back­ground of the various passages under consideration and to ascertain the consistency and validity of the principles underlying the legal material upon which they commented. They initiated the process by comparing different passages from various parts of Justinian’s work dealing with the same or similar issues, explaining away the inconsistencies and harmonizing any apparent contradictory statements (this method was by no means new as it had been engaged by earlier medieval scholars and resembled the approach used by the jurists of the Constantinople and Beirut law schools during the later imperial era). These successive processes corresponded to the medieval progression in the curriculum of the trivium from grammar and rhetoric to logic or dialectic—the content of Justinian’s works first had to be understood, and so explanatory notes were used; then the consistency of the texts had to be established through the application of the dialectical method. Logic was the most important element of medieval education. Based on works such as Aristotle’s Organon, it became the dominant technique of medieval scholasticism.[697]

Apart from the glosses, several other types of juristic literature were developed, partly from the teaching of the Corpus Iuris Civilis at the law schools. Some deal with the issues in the order in which they are found in Justinian’s legislation (ordo legum), such as the commenta or lecturae, reports written down by assistants or experienced students and sometimes revised by the teacher himself.[698] Another form of literature is the written record of a quaestio disputata, an exercise in which a teacher posed a question, either a theoretical one or one derived from legal practice, and his students offered opposing views.

This was meant to teach students to analyse a legal problem and to argue their case in a logical and structured way. A further type of commentary, which did not originate in the classroom, was the summa. The summae are synopses or summaries of contents of particular parts or the whole of Justiniansize=2>’s work.[699] Unlike the above-mentioned commenta or lecturae, these are systematic works that do not follow the order of the issues in the original texts but establish their own order with respect to the fragments within the title they treat. Other forms of juristic literature included: works clarifying conceptual distinctions arising from the texts (distinctiones)—these comprised a series of divisions of a general concept into subcategories that were carefully defined and explained until all the implications of the concept were elucidated; collections of conflicting juristic interpretations (dissensiones dominorum—the term domini referred to medieval jurists); anthologies of opinions on various legal questions connected with actual cases (consilia); cases constructed to exemplify or illustrate difficult points of law (casus); collections of noteworthy points (notabilia) and statements of broad legal principles drawn from the texts (brocarda or aphorismata); and short monographs or treatises (summulae or tractatus) on speci­fic legal topics, such as the law of actions and legal procedure.[700]

The interpretation and analysis of Justinian's legislative works was the exclusive preoccupation of the Bolognese jurists until the late thirteenth century. Among the successors of Irnerius, the most notable were Bulgarus,[701] Martinus Gosia,[702] Jacobus and Ugo (renowned as the ‘four doctors of Bologna’), Azo, Rogerius, Placentinus, Vacarius, John Bassianus, Odofredus and Accursius. Azo became famous for his influential work on Justinian’s Code, known as Summa Codicis or Summa Aurea.[703] In the late twelfth century, Rogerius founded a law school at Montpellier in France (probably together with Placentinus) and this institution became an important centre of legal learning.

Vacarius, a Lombard, travelled to England around the middle of the twelfth century and commenced teaching civil law at Oxford. In c. 1149 he composed his famous Liber pauperum that comprised a collection of texts from the Code and the Digest of Justinian accompanied by explanatory notes. The aim of this work was to introduce the Roman law of Justinian to the poorer students in England.

The greatest of the late Glossators was the Florentine Franciscus Accursius, a pupil of Azo’s, who dominated the law school of Bologna during the first half of the thirteenth century. Accursius produced the famous Glossa Ordinaria or Magna Glossa, an extensive collection or apparatus of glosses from earlier jurists covering the entire Justinianic codification and supplemented by his own annotations.[704] The Glossa Ordinaria both summarised and made obsolete the whole mass of glossatorial writings from the preceding generations of jurists. It represented the culmination of the Glossators’ work and gained rapid acceptance in Italy and other parts of Europe as the standard commentary on Justinian’s texts, providing guid­ance for those engaged in the teaching and practice of law.[705] The Glossa Ordinaria was regularly published with editions of the Corpus Iuris Civilis, so that they were received together throughout the Continent. With the publication of Accursius’s Great Gloss, the contribution of the School of the Glossators to the revival of Roman law ceased but their methods were still applied in the teaching of law at Bologna and elsewhere for a long time.

The Glossators’ approach to Roman law is characterised by its lack of historical perspective. Neither the fact that Justinian’s codification had been compiled more than 500 years before their own time, nor the fact that it comprised extracts of an even earlier date meant much to them. Instead, they perceived the Corpus Iuris Civilis as one body of authoritative texts and paid little attention to the fact that the law actually in force was very different from the system contained in Justinian’s texts.

This attitude was reinforced by the theory that the Holy Roman Empire was a successor to the ancient Roman Empire—a theory that the Glossators tended to support.[706] It was also associated with the fact that the Glossators’ interest in law was chiefly academic and their learning was quite remote from practical affairs.[707] Being true medieval men, the Glossators regarded Justinian’s texts in much the same way as theologians regarded the Bible or contemporary scholars viewed the works of Aristotle. Just as Aristotle was treated as infallible and his statements as applicable to all circumstances, the texts of Justinian were regarded by the Glossa­tors as sacred and as the repository of all wisdom. The Glossators have been subjected to the criticism that they neglected both the developing canon law and the statutory law enacted by local political bodies, especially in the Italian city­states. They were entirely preoccupied with the study of Roman law, which for them represented a system of legislation more fully developed than either the nascent canon law or the contemporary statutory law. Nevertheless, the Glossators did succeed in resurrecting genuine familiarity with the whole of Justinian’s codification and their work prepared the ground for the practical application of the legal doctrines it contained. Their new insight into the workings of Roman law led to the development of a true science of law that had a lasting influence on the legal thinking of succeeding centuries.[708]

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Source: Mousourakis G.. Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition. Springer,2015. — 339 p.. 2015

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