Notes

1 Aberdeen City and Aberdeenshire Archives (hereafter ACAA), Aberdeen Council, Baillie and Guild Court Registers (hereafter ACR), vol. 20, pp. 32–3. Public humiliation of the sort imposed in this instance was often imposed on others too who were deemed to have transgressed social convention.

2 J. Le Goff, Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages, ed. A. Goldhammer, Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1980, pp. 46–7, and N. Atkinson, The Noisy Renaissance: Sound, Architecture and Florentine Urban Life,University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2006, pp. 184–92.

3 Le Goff, Time, Work and Culture, pp. 48, 35. See too the similarly influential article focused on a later period, but which makes some similar points; E.P. Thompson, �?Time, work-discipline, and industrial capitalism’, Past and Present 38,1967, pp. 56–97.

4 See, however, A.R. MacDonald, �?Urban archives: Endless possibilities’, Journal of Irish Scottish Studies 9(2), 2019, pp. 29–49, at pp. 45–8, where the author has independently of me identified the example of Robert Hoveson, offering too some interpretations of his actions.

5 It is not known for certain when mechanical clocks were invented, but see L. Thorndike, �?Invention of the mechanical clock, about 1271 A.D.’, Speculum 16(2), 1941, pp. 242–3, and J.D. North, God’s Clockmaker: Richard of Wallingford and the Invention of Time,London: Hambledon, 2005.

6 ACR, vol. 15, pp. 16, 734; Dundee City Archives (hereafter DCA), Burgh and Head Court Books (hereafter BHCB), vol. 2 (�?The Book of the Church, 1454‒1525’), fol. 112v; Protocol Books of Thomas Johnsoun, 1528–1578, ed. J. Beveridge and J. Russell, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1920, no. 82; Registrum de Panmure, ed. J. Stuart, 2 vols, Edinburgh: s. n., 1874, vol.

7 Sometimes, however, belfries collapsed on account of lightning. See, for example, Registrum Monasterii S. Marie de Cambuskenneth, A. D. 1147–1535, ed. W. Fraser, Edinburgh: Grampian Club, 1872, no. 62; The Charters of the Priory of Beauly, ed. E.C. Batten, London: Grampian Club, 1877, p. 219.

8 On the Cistercians and bell towers, see T. Coomans, �?Cistercian architecture or architecture of the Cistercians?’, in M.B. Bruun (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to the Cistercian Order,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012, pp. 151–69, at pp. 153, 159, and J. Burton and J. Kerr, The Cistercians in the Middle Ages,Woodbridge: Boydell, 2011, p. 76. For the canonical day, see Ibid., pp. 104–6, and E. Jamroziak, The Cistercian Order in Medieval Europe, 1090–1500,Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, p. 62.

9 I am very grateful to James Brown for sharing with me his research on this matter.

10 R. Fawcett, �?Culross abbey’, in T.N. Kinder (ed.) Perspectives for an Architecture of Solitude: Essays on Cistercians, Art and Architecture in Honour of Peter Fergusson,Citeaux: Brepols, 2004, pp. 81–99, at pp. 95–7; R. Fawcett, Scottish Architecture from the Accession of the Stewarts to the Reformation, 1371–1560,Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1994, pp. 91–3; and Records of the Monastery of Kinloss,ed. J. Stuart, Edinburgh: Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1872, p. 33.

11 R.W.M. Clouston, �?The bells of Perthshire’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland (hereafter PSAS) 122, 1992, pp. 453–508, at pp. 469–70, 479–83, 492, 505; F.C. Eeles, �?The church bells of Linlithgowshire’, PSAS 47, 1912, pp. 61–94, at pp. 63–9, 78–81, 93–4; F.C. Eeles and R.W.M. Clouston, �?The church and other bells of Wigtownshire’, PSAS 107, 1975–1976,pp. 261–74, at pp. 265–7; and F.C. Eeles and R.W.M. Clouston, �?The church and other bells of Aberdeenshire [Part I]’, PSAS 90,1956–1957, pp. 130–60, at pp. 143, 147.

12 L. Leroux, Cloches et société médiévale: Les sonneries de Tournai au Moyen Âge,Louvain-la-Neuve: Tournai-Art et histoire, 2001, pp. 26–43.

13 Cartularium Ecclesiae S. Nicholai Aberdonensis, ed. J. Cooper, 2 vols, Aberdeen: New Spalding Club, 1888–1892, vol. 1, p. 15; vol. 2, p. 13.

14 ACR, vol. 19, p. 258. The best studied of the religious houses in Aberdeen is that of the Carmelites (R.M. Spearman, �?Aberdeen Carmelite friary: The documentary evidence’, in J.A. Stones (ed.) Three Scottish Carmelite Friaries: Excavations at Aberdeen, Linlithgow and Perth, 1980–86,Edinburgh: Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1989, pp. 28–34), but there is no hint that the White Friars possessed bells or clocks. For the town’s hand bell, see, for example, ACR, vol. 7, pp. 3, 27, 34, 186, 193, 238, 245, 260, 357, 522, 533, 550–1, 579, 633, 752, 811, 814, 963, 966.

15 H. Boece, Murthlacensium et aberdonensium episcoporum vitae, ed. J. Moir, Aberdeen: New Spalding Club, 1894,p. 95, and King’s College Chapel, Aberdeen: Its Fittings, Ornaments and Ceremonial in the Sixteenth Century, ed. F.C. Eeles, Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1956, p. 22. See too J. Geddes, �?The bells’, in J. Geddes (ed.) King’s College Chapel, Aberdeen, 1500–2000,Aberdeen: Northern Universities Press, 2000, pp. 109–14.

16 Boece, Murthlacensium et aberdonensium episcoporum vitae, p. 24. See too P.J. Shipton, �?Bells restored to St Machar’s’, in J.H. Alexander et al., The Restoration of St Machar’s Cathedral, Aberdeen: Friends of St Machar’s Cathedral, 1991, pp. 26–32.

17 L.J. Macfarlane, William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of Scotland, 1431–1514: The Struggle for Order,Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1985, pp. 275, 314–6. Skellat was a generic name given to small bells which might be hung or hand rung. The meaning of the other bell’s name is less obvious, though �?schocht’ means �?to seek’.

18 B.S.M. Campbell, �?Benchmarking medieval economic development: England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, c. 1290’, Economic History Review, new series 61, 2008, pp. 896–945, at p. 910; R.E. Tyson, �?People in the two towns’, in E.P.D. Dennison, D. Ditchburn and M. Lynch (eds) Aberdeen before 1800: A new history,East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2002, pp. 111–28, at pp. 111–12. Estimates of Tournai’s population are more difficult to come by, though see J.C. Russell, �?Late ancient and medieval population’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series 48(3), 1958, pp. 1–152, at p. 84; N.J.G. Pounds, �?Population and settlement in the low countries and northern France in the later middle ages’, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 49(2), 1971, pp. 369–402, at p. 402; W. Blockmans and W. Prevenier, The Promised Lands: The Low Countries under Burgundian Rule, 1369–1530, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988, pp. 153–4; and J. Roosenand D.R. Curtis, �?The “light touch” of the black death in the southern Netherlands: An urban trick’, Economic History Review, new series 72(1), 2019, pp. 32–56, at p. 39. I have not been able to track down P. Lourens and J. Lucassen, Inwoneraantallen van Nederlandse steden, ca. 1300–1800, Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press, 1997.

19 ACR, vol. 5/2, pp. 767, 779; vol. 6, p. 978; vol. 7, p. 61;Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, 1398–1570, ed. J. Stuart, Aberdeen: Spalding Club, 1844 (hereafter Aberdeen Council Register), pp.112–4. See too D. McKay, �?The duties of the medieval parish clerk’, Innes Review 19(1), 1968, pp. 32–9.

20 Brugge, Stadsarchief 206: Stadsrekeningen, 1390–1391, fol. 111r; 1391–1392, fols 95r–95v; 1392–1393, fols 96r–97v; 1393–1394, pt 2, fol. 66v; 1394–1395, fol. 81v; 1395–1396, fol. 83v; 1396–1397, fol. 92v; 1397–1398, fol. 95v; 1398–1399, fol. 92v; Stadsarchief 277: Presentwijnen, 1487–1488, fol.

21 ACR, vol. 6, p. 978; vol. 7, p. 61.

22 C. Hawes, �?The urban community in fifteenth-century Scotland: Language, law and political practice’, Urban History 44(3),2017, pp. 365–80, at pp. 373–4.

23 Extracts from the Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1403–1589, ed. J.D. Marwick, 5 vols, Edinburgh: Scottish Burgh Record Society, 1869–1892 (hereafter Edin. Recs), vol. 1, p. 37, and BHCB, vol. 3, 18 July 1554 (unpaginated).

24 Edin. Recs, vol. 1, pp. 50, 291, and Aberdeen Council Register, p.92.

25 Scotichronicon, ed. D.E.R. Watt et al., 9 vols, Aberdeen/Edinburgh: Aberdeen University Press, 1987–1998, vol. 8, pp. 78–9, and Ayr Burgh Accounts, 1534–1624, ed. G.S. Pryde, Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1937, p. 20.

26 N. Atkinson, �?Seeing sound: Mapping the Florentine soundscape’, in N. Terpstra and C. Rose (eds) Mapping Space, Sense, and Movement in Florence: Historical GIS and the Early Modern City,Abingdon: Routledge, 2016,pp. 149–68.

27 For �?Columba’, �?George’ and �?Mary’ at Dunkeld, see Rentale Dunkeldense, ed. R.K. Hannay, Edinburgh: Scottish Historical Society, 1915, p. 314, and for �?Mary’, �?Anne’ and �?Jerome’ at Kinloss, see Records of Kinloss, p. 33. The bells of St John’s parish church in Perth were, by contrast, named Ave Maria and Agnus dei; Clouston, �?Bells of Perthshire’, pp. 525–41.

28 Exodus 28: 33–4; 39: 25–6.

29 King’s College Chapel, ed. F.C. Eeles, pp. 90–2.

30 On bells and remembering the dead, see, for example, BHCB, vol. 3, 8 January 1553–1554 (unpaginated); St Andrew University Library and Special Collections, B65/23/16; B65/23/63; B65/23/119; B65/23/187; B65/23/218; B65/23/225; B65/23/272; B65/23/297; Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, ed. C.N. Innes, 2 vols, Edinburgh: Maitland Club, 1843, vol.

31 For the Aberdeen example, see note 13; for the Dundee instance, see DCA, TC/CC1/43.

32 The Gild Court Book of Dunfermline, 1433–1597, ed. E.P.D. Torrie, Edinburgh:Scottish Record Society, 1986, p. 53; R.W.M. Clouston, �?The bells of Perthshire: St John’s Kirk’, PSAS 124, 1994,pp. 525–41; and BHCB, vol. 4, 16 September 1556 (unpaginated).

33 M.P.J. Martens et al., �?Texts, images and sounds in the urban environment’, in A. Brown and J. Dumolyn (eds) Medieval Bruges, c. 850–1550, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018, p. 401.

34 See G. Dohrn-van Rossum, Die Geschichte der Stunde. Uhren und moderne Zeitordnungen,Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995, pp. 110–14.

35 P. Dubuis, �?Des horloges dans les montagnes. Premières explorations en Valais XVe–XIXe siècles’, Vallesia. Bulletin annuel de la Bibliothèque et des Archives cantonales du Valais,1993, pp. 91–108, at p. 93. On the spread of mechanical clocks elsewhere, see C.H. Cipolla, Clocks and Culture, 1300–1700, New York: Norton, 1977, pp. 40–1; Dohrn-van Rossum, Geschichte der Stunde, ch. 5, and P. Glennie and N. Thrift, Shaping the Day: A History of Timekeeping in England and Wales, 1300–1800, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009, pp. 75–7.

36 V. Avery, Vulcan’s Forge in Venus’ City: The Story of Bronze in Venice, 1350–1650,Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 84 and L. Gilliodts van Severen, Le Carillon de Bruges, Bruges: De Plancke, 1912, pp. 19–22.

37 Ayr, Ayrshire Archives (hereafter AAA), B6/12/1 (Ayr Burgh Court Book, 1428–1478), fol. 120v; ACR, vol. 5/2, p. 778; Charters and Documents Relating to the Burgh of Peebles, ed. W. Chambers,Edinburgh: Scottish Burgh Record Society, 1872, pp. 147, 195, 197, 200.

38 For Dumbarton, see Dumbarton Heritage Centre, West Dunbartonshire Archives (hereafter WDA), 1/10/5/2; for Dundee, Edinburgh, National Records of Scotland (hereafter NRS), CS6 (Acta Dominorum Consilii et Sessionis), vol. 20, fols 111r–112v; BHCB, vol. 3, 8 January 1553–1554; 3 September 1554; 11 September 1554 (unpaginated); Acts of the Lords of Council in Public Affairs, 1501–1554: Selections from Acta Dominorum Concilii, ed. R.K. Hannay, Edinburgh: H.M. General Register House, 1932, p. 547; for Edinburgh:Registrum Domus de Soltre necnon Ecclesie Collegiate S Trinitatis proper Edinburgh, ed. D. Laing, Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1861, p. 158; Edin. Recs, vol. 2, p. 301;Edinburgh Burgh Records: The Burgh Accounts, ed. R. Adam, 2 vols, Edinburgh: Scottish Burgh Record Society, 1899, vol. 1, pp. 71, 103, 139–40, 171, 195, 233, 276; for Haddington: �?Haddington records: Books of the common good’, ed. H.M. Paton, Transactions of the East Lothian Antiquarian and Field Naturalists Society 7, 1958, 46–80, at pp. 48–57, passim; for Lanark: Extracts from the Records of the Royal Burgh of Lanark, A.D. 1150–1722, ed. R. Renwick,Glasgow: Carson & Nicol, 1893, pp. 12, 16, 17; for Selkirk:P.S.M. Symms, �?Social control in a sixteenth-century burgh: A study of the burgh court book of Selkirk, 1503–45’, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1986, pp. 64, 243–4; and for Stirling: Extracts from the Records of the Royal Burgh of Stirling A.D. 1519–1666, ed. R. Renwick, Glasgow: Scottish Burgh Records Society, 1887 (hereafter Stirling Recs), pp.2,8, 11, 45–6, 53; Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. T. Dickson et al., 13 vols, Edinburgh: H.M. General Register House, 1877–1978 (hereafter TA), vol. 2, p. 159.For Old Aberdeen, see Eeles (ed.) King’s College Chapel, p. 22. Less certain is Perth, though one of the town’s bells was attached to some sort of timing device; Clouston, �?Bells of Perthshire: St John’s Kirk, Perth’, p. 527, but see too p. 537.

39 NRS, NP1/19 (Protocol Book of Thomas Dalrymple), no. 15; AAA, B6/28/1, p. 44. Abernethy was erected as a burgh of barony in 1458/1459 (G.S. Pryde, The Burghs of Scotland: A Critical List, ed. A.A.M. Duncan, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965, no. 146), though it is unlikely to have housed a significant number of inhabitants.

40 TA, vol. 4, p. 324; vol. 7, pp. 280, 459; vol. 8, pp. 109–10; J.G. Dunbar, Scottish Royal Palaces: The Architecture of the Royal Residences during the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Periods,Edinburgh: Tuckwell Press, 1999, pp. 126, 175; Ledger of Andrew Halyburton, Conservator of the Privileges of the Scotch Nation in the Netherlands, 1492–1503, ed. C. Innes, Edinburgh: H.M. General Register House, 1867, p. 184; Edinburgh Burgh Accounts, vol. 1, p. 139; and J. Raine, The History and Antiquities of North Durham,London: J.B. Nichols & Son, 1852, p. 348. See too Ibid., p. 125 for bells and a clock at near-by Holy Island in 1533.

41 Glennie and Thrift, Shaping the Day, p. 128.

42 ACR, vol. 5/2, p. 778.

43 NRS, CS6, vol. 20, fols 111r–112r, and BHCB, vol. 3, 8 January 1553–1554 (unpaginated).

44 Aberdeen Council Register, p. 165;BHCB, vol. 3, 3 September 1554 (unpaginated) and Stirling Recs, p. 45. It should be noted however that in Edinburgh painting was simply functional, designed to protect against rust and weather damage: Edinburgh Burgh Accounts, 140. On clocks as diplomatic gifts, see TA, vol. 4, p. 324; and for elsewhere in Europe, V. Pérez Álvarez, �?The role of the mechanical clock in medieval science’, Endeavour 39(1), 2015, pp. 63–68, at p. 65.

45 J. Muendel, �?Friction and lubrication in medieval Europe: the emergence of olive oil as a superior agent’, Isis 86(3), 1995, pp. 373–93. For chords, see e.g. AAA, B6/12/1, fol. 120v; WDA, 1/10/5/2; for olive oil used to lubricate the clock at Peebles, see Charters and Documents Relating to the Burgh of Peebles, pp. 197, 200; for that applied to the bells in Ayr, see Ayr Burgh Accounts, pp. 21, 75, 94, 96; and for the cost of bells, �?Haddington records’, p. 54.

46 Glennie and Thrift, Shaping the Day, pp. 33, 36. On the mathematical and technological aspects of early clocks, see Ibid., pp. 31–6.

47 �?Haddington records’, pp. 48, 51, 55 and A.J.S. Gibson and T.C. Smout, Prices, Food and Wages in Scotland, 1550–1780,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 313.

48 Ayr Burgh Accounts, p. 75.

49 ACR, vol. 7, p. 478; vol. 15, pp. 305, 384, 433, 567. See too J.P. Foggie, Renaissance Religion in Urban Scotland: The Dominican Order, 1450–1560,Leiden: Brill, 2003, p.294.

50 Cipolla, Clocks and Culture, p. 64. On clockmakers generally, see Dohrn-van Rossum, Geschichte der Stunde, ch. 6.

51 NRS, CS6, vol. 20, fol. 111, and Symms, �?Social control in a sixteenth-century burgh’, pp. 64, 244 n. 83.

52 Ledger of Andrew Halyburton, p. 184; ACR, vol. 15, p. 74. For clockmakers and menders in Bruges, see Severen, Le Carillon, pp. 27–33.

53 See, e.g., R.S. Wieck, The Medieval Calendar: Locating Time in the Middle Ages,New York: The Morgan Library, 2017, pp. 13–28.

54 This remained until very recently the case and perhaps still applies: �?We didn’t have clocks at home. No one wore a watch in case it was lost up a cow’s innards! In farming you live by daylight and nature, so clocks aren’t important, even in the 1970s and 1980s. It is time to get up, to milk the cows, to feed the pigs, to eat, to sleep. No one says that it’s five o’clock or twenty-five to eight. When I finally got a watch my parents spent time speaking in a very stilted manner saying, “it is time to feed the calves which is four o’clock”’. I am very grateful to Morag Evans for her memories relating to clocks and time when growing up in rural Moray.

55 D. Lindsay of the Mount, Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, ed. R. Lyall, Edinburgh: Canongate, 1989, p. 175 and G. Walker, �?“Faill nocht to teme your bleddir”: Passing time in Sir David Lindsay’s Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis’, Medieval English Theatre 22, 2000, pp. 52–8. I am grateful to Eila Williamson for drawing this article to my attention.

56 Edin. Recs, vol. 2, pp. 138–9.

57 The Burgh Records of Dunfermline, ed. E. Beveridge, Edinburgh: William Brown, 1917, p. 126.

58 For example, TA, vol. 1, pp. 245–50, 296–7, 300–1, 346–7, 349–50, 379–80; vol. 2, pp. 25, 106, 272, 278, 382–3, 390, 396, 405, 442. (Pay was very occasionally made for half days of work: Ibid., vol. 1, p. 245; vol. 2, p. 382.) See too M. Armoux, �?Relations salariale et temps du travail dans l’industrie médiévale’, Le Moyen Age 115(3), 2009,pp. 557–81 and Gibson and Smout, Prices, Food and Wages, chs 8 and 9, esp. pp. 277–85.

59 The Records of the Parliaments of Scotland to 1707, ed. K.M. Brown et al., St Andrews, 2007–2020, (accessed 10 February 2019) (hereafter RPS), 1469/29.

60 TA, vol. 3, pp. 180, 196, 337; vol. 4, pp. 298, 302, 454, 531.

61 R.T. Balmer, �?The operation of sand clocks and their medieval development’, Technology and Culture 19, 1978, pp. 615–32, at p. 622.

62 London, Victoria and Albert Museum, F.48 (�?Oil painting: Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, with an Open Watch in Her Hand’).

63 RPS, 1428/3/9.

64 RPS, 1436/10/9; 1504/3/52.

65 ACR, vol. 4, p. 33; The Perth Guildry Book, 1452–1601, ed. M.L. Stavert, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, no. 9; and Edin. Recs, vol. 1, p. 157.

66 For example, RPS, 1467/1/4; Protocol Books of Thomas Johnsoun, no. 82;ACR, vol. 5/2, pp. 714, 784; vol. 15, pp. 54, 719; St Andrews University Library, B65/2365c; B65/23/72c.

67 P. Brand, �?Lawyers’ time in England in the later middle ages’, in C. Humphrey and W.M. Ormrod (eds) Time in the Medieval World,York: York Medieval Press, 2001, pp. 73–104. No similar study has been undertaken for Scotland, though see S. Ollivant, The Court of the Official in Pre-reformation Scotland, Edinburgh: Stair Society, 1982, pp. 46–9, and occasional comment on the matter in D. Ditchburn, �?Religion, ritual and the rhythm of the year in later medieval St Andrews’, in M. Brown and K. Stevenson (eds) Medieval St Andrews: Church, Cult, City,Woodbridge: Boydell, 2017, pp. 99–116, at pp. 108–9, 112–5.

68 The Sheriff Court Book of Fife, 1515–1522, ed. W.C. Dickinson, Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1928, pp. xxiv, n. 7, 406–7. See too The Court Book of the Barony of Carnwath, 1523–1543, ed. W.C. Dickinson, Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1937, pp. lxxiv–lxxviii.

69 Ollivant, Court of the Official, p. 49.

70 See, for example, RPS, 1430/54; 1488/10/4; 1493/5/30; 1493/5/58; 1494/11/105; 1504/3/6; 1504/3/7.

71 NRS, CS5, vol. 35, fols 1r–219r.

72 Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of Scotland, 3 vols, Southampton: Ordnance Survey, 1867–1871, vol. 3, no. 20. By the seventeenth century, and perhaps earlier, the time of the court’s sittings varied according to season. See J. Finlay, Men of Law in Pre-Reformation Scotland,East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000, p. 102, n. 104.

73 See, however, RPS, 1493/5/30; 1493/5/58; 1494/11/105.

74 See also the contribution by Frankot in this volume.

75 Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis, ed. C. Innes, Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1837, p. 172.

76 For published volumes in which the hour has been largely omitted, see, e.g., Protocol Book of Gavin Ros NP, 1512–1532, ed. J. Anderson and F.J. Grant, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1908; Protocol Book of Sir William Corbet, 1529–1555, ed. J. Anderson and W. Angus, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1911, though see no. 39; Protocol Book of Sir Alexander Gaw, 1540–1558, ed. J. Anderson and W. Angus, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1910, though see nos 12, 40, 51, 102. The editorial practice is especially clear in The Calendar of Fearn: Text and Additions, 1471–1667, ed. R.J. Adam, Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1991, Appendix A (�?Ross entries in the protocol book of William Gray’), pp. 225–38, which includes the hour dating where protocols have been transcribed in full, but not in calendared entries.For examples of hour-timed instruments dating from the fifteenth century, see RPS, A1440/2/1 (drafted at Edinburgh in 1440); A1463/10/1 (Edinburgh, 1463); StAUL, UYSL110/PW/40 (St Andrews, 1460); UYSL110/PW/46 (St Andrews, 1468); B65/23/106 (St Andrews, 1487); B65/23/148 (St Andrews, 1497); NRS,B58/18/41 (Peebles, 1478); and for ACAA,Sasine Register, vol. 1, pp. 300–50, passim. That this was not uniform practice is, however, evident from three fifteenth-century Dumbarton instruments: WDA, 1/3/71 (1448); 1/3/3 (1469); 1/3/73 (1496).

77 NRS, NP1/14.

78 The St Andrews Portion of the Protocol Book of William Gray, 1553–1559, ed. R. Smart, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 2015, passim, esp. nos 2, 12, 15, 17, 29, 35, 37. Even though most of his protocols were timed by the hour, occasionally (ibid., nos 6, 19, 25) Gray omitted the hour clause. He continued to date by the hour after he left St Andrews to work in Sutherland and Caithness (Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Dep. 314/25,fols 16r–43v, 45r–125v).

79 NRS, NP 1/7, fols 2v, 4r, 6r, 6v, 7v, 8r, 15r, 27r, 28r, 29v, 31r, 32r, 32v.

80 NRS, NP 1/19, no. 15.

81 NRS, NP1/19.

82 Selkirk Protocol Books, 1511–1547, ed. T. Maley and W. Elliot, Edinburgh: Stair Society, 1993, nos. A73, B31, B35.

83 Selkirk Protocol Books, nos A31, A36, A51–3; A55, A61–2, A78, A81, B13, B16–18, B21, B39, B41, B50.

84 Registrum Magni Sigilli Regum Scotorum, ed. J.M. Thomson, 11 vols, new edn, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society and Clark Constable, 1984,vol. 2, no. 3443; vol. 3, no. 852.

85 RPS, 1469/20.

86 S.A. Epstein, �?Business cycles and the sense of time in medieval Genoa’, Business History Review 62, 1988, pp. 238–60, esp. pp. 251–9.I am very grateful to my colleagues Catherine Lawless and Christine Meek, and to Frances Andrews, for advice regarding practice elsewhere in Italy.

87 See, however, Il protocollo notarile di Lorenzo Staglia (1372), ed. I.L. Sanfilippo, Rome: Società romana di storia patria, 1986; I protocolli di Johannes Nicolai Pauli. Un notaio romano del �?300 (1348–1379), ed. R. Mosti, [Rome]: École française de Rome, 1982; and Il notaio romano tra sovranita’ pontificia e autonomia comunale (secoli XIV–XVI), ed. M.L. Lombardo, Milan: Giuffrè editore, 2012.

88 See, however, Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, ed. J. Stuart et al., 23 vols, Edinburgh: H.M. General Register House, 1878–1908, vol. 6, pp. 125, 202, 303, 395–6, 494, 594; vol. 7, p. 378, for the Genoese merchant who settled in mid-fifteenth-century Kirkcudbright, where he became the town’s custumar. See too E. Frankot, �?A Genoese merchant in medieval Aberdeen – A case from the lost “volume three”’, Aberdeen Registers, Aberdeen, 2016, (accessed 4 December 2019).

89 For example, Calendar of Papal Registers: Petitions, 1342–1419, ed. W.H. Bliss, London: H.M. Stationary Office, 1896, p. 401; Calendar of Scottish Supplications to Rome. Volume VI, 1471–1492, ed. A. Macquarrie, R.J. Tanner, and A.I. Dunlop, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 2017,no. 1804.

90 C.R. Cheney, Notaries Public in England in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972, pp. 117–18; M.T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England, 1066–1307, 2nd edn, Oxford: Blackwell 1993, p. 299; and J.M. Murray, Notarial Instruments in Flanders between 1280 and 1452,Brussels: Académie royale de Belgique, 1995, p. 115.

91 No notarial protocol books are known to survive from medieval England; N. Ramsey, �?Scriveners and notaries as legal intermediaries in later medieval England’, in J. Kermode (ed.) Enterprise and Individuals in Fifteenth-century England,Stroud: Alan Sutton, 1991, pp. 118–31, at p. 125. In England, scriveners dealt with matters similar to those handled by notaries in Scotland, though very few of their records survive too. There is no indication of hour consciousness in that discussed in A.E.B. Owen, �?A scrivener’s notebook from Bury St Edmunds’, Archives 14, 1979, pp. 16–22.

92 J.M. Murray,�?Failure of corporation: Notaries public in medieval Bruges’, Journal of Medieval History 12(2), 1986, pp. 155–66, at esp. p. 157 and W.W. Scott, �?William Cranston, notary public c. 1395–1425, and some contemporaries’, in H.L. Macqueen (ed.) Miscellany Seven, Edinburgh: Stair Society, 2015, pp. 125–32, at p. 130.

93 J. Durkan, �?The early Scottish notary’, in I.B. Cowan and D. Shaw (eds) The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland: Essays in Honour of Gordon Donaldson,Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1983, pp. 22–3, 29–31. On notaries in Scotland more generally, see too W. Angus, �?Notarial protocol books, 1469–1700’, in J.C. Brown (ed.) An Introductory Survey of the Sources and Literature of Scots Law, Edinburgh: Stair Society, 1936, pp. 289–300, and E. Ewan, �?Protocol books and towns in medieval Scotland’, in W. Prevenier and T. de Hemptinne (eds) La diplomatique urbaine en Europe au Moyen Âge. Actes du congrès de la Commission internationale de diplomatique, Gand 25-29 août 1998, Louvain/Apeldoorn: Garrant, 2000, pp. 143–55.

94 Scott, �?William Cranston’, p. 125.

95 D.S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World,2nd edn, London: Viking, 1999,p. 53.

96 For a slight variation, with the hour and witnesses appearing at the beginning of the protocol, see DCA, Burgh Protocol Book, vol. 1 (1518–1534), passim.

97 I have been influenced here by arguments formulated in B.H. Snyder, �?From vigilance to busyness: A neo-Weberian approach to clock time’, Sociological Theory 31(3), 2013, pp. 243–66, esp. p. 258.

98 Edinburgh Burgh Accounts, vol. 1, pp. 139–40.