Notes
1 B.A. Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order. The Culture of Drink in Early Modern Germany, Charlottesville/London: University of Virginia Press, 2001, pp. 103–14.
2 For example, Ibid.; B.
Kümin and B.A. Tlusty (eds) The World of the Tavern: Public Houses in Early Modern Europe, Aldershot: Routledge, 2002; O.R. Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World. Lodging, Trade and Travel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003; B. Kümin, Drinking Matters. Public Houses and Social Exchange in Early Modern Central Europe, Basingstoke/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007; J.R. Brown, â€?The landscape of drink: Inns, Taverns and Alehouses in early modern Southampton’, unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Warwick, 2007; and M. Hell, De Amsterdamse herberg 1450–1800. Geestrijk centrum van het openbare leven, Nijmegen: Vantilt Uitgeverij, 2017.3 A notable exception is A. Greve, Hansische Kaufleute, Hosteliers und Herbergen im Brügge des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.
4 A few examples are given in Hell, Amsterdamse herberg, for example, pp. 10, 53–4. It is noted in: B.H.D. Hermesdorf, De herberg in de Nederlanden, Arnhem: Gysbers & Van Loon, 1977 (unchanged from 1957 edition), pp. 89–90; H.C. Peyer, Von der Gastfreundschaft zum Gasthaus. Studien zur Gastlichkeit im Mittelalter, Hannover: Hansche Buchhandlung, 1987, pp. 224–7; B.A. Hanawalt, �The host, the law, and the ambiguous space of medieval London taverns’, in B.A. Hanawalt, �Of Good and Ill Repute’. Gender and Social Control in Medieval England, New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 204–23, at p. 113; Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order, Ch. 6; B.A. Tlusty, �“Privat” oder “öffentlich”? Das Wirtshaus in der deutschen Stadt des 16. und 17.
Jahrhunderts’, in S. Rau and G. Schwerhoff (eds) Zwischen Gotteshaus und Taverne. Ă–ffentliche Räume in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2004, pp. 53–73, at pp. 54–5; Y. Kawana, â€?Trade, sociability and governance in an English incorporated borough: â€?formal’ and â€?informal’ worlds in Leicester, c. 1570–1640’, Urban History 33, 2006, pp. 324–49; Kümin, Drinking Matters, pp. 97–8; S. Gustafsson, â€?Sale of goods around the Baltic Sea in the middle ages’, in J. Wubs-Mrozewicz and S. Jenks (eds) The Hanse in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2013, pp. 129–48. For the nineteenth century, see L. Magnusson, â€?Markets in context: Artisans, putting out and social drinking in Eskilstuna, Sweden 1800–50’, in M. Berg (ed.) Markets and Manufacture in Early Industrial Europe, London/New York: Routledge, 1991, pp. 292–317, specifically pp. 312–7. For drinking houses as â€?political spaces’, see J.R. Brown, â€?Drinking houses and the politics of surveillance in pre-industrial Southampton’, in B. Kümin (ed.) Political Space in Pre-industrial Europe, Farnham: Ashgate, 2009, pp. 61–80, at p. 62.5 For the use of houses in contracting marriage in late medieval London, see S. McSheffrey, â€?Place, space and situation: Public and private in the making of marriage in late-medieval London’, Speculum 79, 2004, pp. 960–90.
6 A development of �deprivatisation’ of venues providing hospitality appears to have taken place in the transition from medieval to early modern. Tlusty, �Das Wirtshaus in der deutschen Stadt’, p. 64. The Reformation moreover sometimes resulted in increased government interference in tavern business. Brown, �Drinking houses and the politics of surveillance’, p. 65. This means that the medieval and early modern public houses are not always comparable.
7 A public house is a general term for any place of hospitality. Inns and taverns are normally distinguished by their size and facilities, the former being larger and having rooms for guests to stay overnight, but in the middle ages the terminology was not as clear-cut.
In Aberdeen, for example, the word �tavern’ appears to be used for houses where foreign merchants were staying. �Tavern’ and �drinking house’ are here used as synonyms for public house. The general term �house’ is here used as a blanket term when speaking about public and private houses at the same time. Concerning the problem of terminology, see also Hell, Amsterdamse herberg, p. 11.8 G. Duby (ed.) A History of Private Life, Volume II: Revelations of the Medieval World, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993.
9 McSheffrey, �Place, space and situation’, pp. 972–3, 986; F. Riddy, �Looking closely: Authority and intimacy in the late medieval urban home’, in M. Erler and M. Kowaleski (eds) Gendering the Master Narrative: Women and Power in the Middle Ages, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. 212–28, at p. 215; G. Schneider, �The Public, the Private and the Shaming of the Shrew’, Studies in English Literature 1500–1900 42, 2002, pp. 235–58, at p. 236; S. Weddle, �Woman’s place in the family and the convent: A reconsideration of public and private in Renaissance Florence’, Journal of Architectural Education 55, 2001, pp. 64–72, at p. 66; and B. King-Richter, �Das Privathaus als Wirthaus’, in Rau and Schwerhoff (eds) Zwischen Gotteshaus und Taverne, pp. 99–117.
10 Gemeentearchief Kampen (hereafter GAK), Rechterlijk Archief (hereafter RA), no. 6 (hereafter LT). This oldest Liber Testium is part of a series. The second oldest starts in 1505 and there is an almost continuous run from then until 1811.
11 See note 7.
12 E. Frankot, A. Havinga, C. Hawes, W. Hepburn, W. Peters, J. Armstrong, P. Astley, A. Mackillop, A.R.C. Simpson and A. Wyner (eds) Aberdeen Registers Online, Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen, 2019, (accessed 1 March 2019) (hereafter ARO entry ID), ARO-8-0603-06 (25 September 1506).
13 Aberdeen City and Aberdeenshire Archives (hereafter ACAA), CA2/1/1 (hereafter SR), p. 228 (15 July 1491).
14 Robert Blindsele (tavern: SR, p. 790; house: SR, pp. 127, 258); James Kintor (tavern: SR, p. 23; house: SR, p. 112); and David Menzies (tavern: SR, pp. 770, 843; house: SR, pp. 283, 632).
15 See, for example, the kirk session records from St Nicholas and Old Machar, respectively: ACAA, CH2/448/6, St Nicholas kirk session minutes 1651–1661, pp. 224, 230, 233; ACAA, CH2/1020/2, Old Machar kirk session minutes 1639–1655, pp. 132, 141. I am grateful to Dr Barry Robertson for providing these examples.
16 SR, pp. 625, 636 (domo consulum); pp. 694, 1011 (St Nicholas Church); p. 617 (St Katherine’s Chapel).
17 SR, pp. 271, 708, 912 (bishop’s palace); pp. 773, 830 (cathedral); p. 910 (�apud novum edificium universite Abirdonensis’). The university was founded in 1495.
18 SR, pp. 635, 644, 1016 (mercat cross); pp. 325, 550, 659, 664 (cemetery); pp. 669, 677, 798 (communi via regia); pp. 567, 993 (fishings).
19 B. Bedos-Rezak, �Civic liturgies and urban records in northern France, 1100–1400’, in B.A. Hanawalt and K.L. Reyerson (eds) City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, Minneapolis/London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, pp. 34–55, at p. 44 and K. Reyerson, �Rituals in medieval business’, in J. Rollo-Koster (ed.) Medieval and Early Modern Ritual: Formalized Behaviour in Europe, China and Japan, Leiden: Brill, 2002, pp. 81–103, at pp. 95–6, also notes the use of public streets for the transaction of business deals and recording in thirteenth-century Montpellier.
20 Bedos-Rezak, �Civic liturgies’, p. 45.
21 J. Eibach, â€?Das Haus: zwischen öffentlicher Zuganglichkeit und geschützter Privatheit (16.–18. Jahrhundert)’, in Rau and Schwerhoff (eds) Zwischen Gotteshaus und Taverne, pp. 183–203, at pp. 184, 190–1.
22 Magnusson, �Markets in context’, p. 314.
23 M.G. Fischer, �Weinkauf’, in Handwörterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. V, Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1998, cols 1234–5.
24 There are a few examples from sixteenth-century St Andrews in which one party drinks to another as part of a reconciliation; St Andrews Kirk Session Register, part I, ed. D.H. Fleming, Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 1889, pp. 168–9 (August–December 1563) and note (1580; 1593). Fleming calls the drinking a �sign of concord and forgiveness’. I am grateful to Professor Elizabeth Ewan for providing these examples. There are also entries in the gild court book of Dunfermline in which there is mention of �wyn silvir’ in the context of the admission of guild brothers and �neighbours’ (for example on fol. 5v, 23 May 1444; fol. 6r, 27 February 1445). In Dunfermline’s gild court, too, reconciliations occasionally involved wine, as did the associated amercement (fine) (for example on fol. 7r, 3 February 1448). The Gild Court Book of Dunfermline, 1433–1597, ed. E.P.D. Torrie, Edinburgh: Scottish Record Society, 1986, pp. 10, 12. I am grateful to Dr Claire Hawes for pointing me to this source. In England, there is evidence of drinking when contracting marriages in fifteenth-century London. McSheffrey interpretes this as celebratory drinking, though it is not specifically presented as such in the sources; McSheffrey, �Place, space and situation’, pp. 982–3 and S. McSheffrey, Love and Marriage in Late Medieval London, Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1995, pp. 45–6.
25 This symbolic act continued to exist into the twentieth century; see the photo of a twentieth-century transfer of land ceremony in Registers of Scotland and the General Register of Sasines 1617–2017, Registers of Scotland [2017], p. 24.
26 The full body of aldermen or aldermen and council would administer higher justice; Kamper Schepenacten 1316–1354, ed. J.A. Kossmann-Putto, Zwolle: J.J. Tijl, 1955, pp. 4, 7–8.
27 LT, fol. 38v (30 June 1484).
28 Kampen conformed to the practice elsewhere. See Fischer, �Weinkauf’, cols 1234–5.
29 Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order, pp.
107–8.30 LT, fol. 171v (1492).
31 LT, fol. 98r (1487).
32 LT, fol. 35r (1483 or 1484).
33 LT, fol. 88v (1487).
34 This is the amount with which the property had increased in value during the rental period.
35 LT, fol. 68v (17 October 1485).
36 GAK, OA, no. 6, fol. 58v (1385). Published in Overijsselsche Stad-, Dijk- en Markeregten. Vol. I, Stadregten, eerste stuk: Boeck van Rechten der Stad Kampen, Dat Gulden Boeck, Zwolle: Vereeniging tot Beoefening van Overijsselsch Regt en Geschiedenis, 1875.
37 Gustafsson, �Sale of goods’, pp. 133–9. Handshakes were also used in thirteenth-century Montpellier; Reyerson, �Rituals in medieval business’, pp. 88–9.
38 S. Ulrich, Untersuchungen zum Einfluss des lübischen Rechts auf die Rechte von Bergen, Stockholm und Visby, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2008, p. 153, as cited in Gustafsson, â€?Sale of goods’, p. 138, n. 44.
39 LT, fol. 13r (1482).
40 LT, fol. 108v (1486).
41 Gustafsson, �Sale of goods’, pp. 137–8 and n. 39–41.
42 For example, LT, fol. 93r (1487); fol. 98r (1487).
43 Concerning the practice to refer to public houses by the name of the owner, see also Hermesdorf, De herberg, pp. 70–2.
44 Blankert is forbidden by the court to buy any more foreign beer than he is able serve in his �herberge ende huse’; GAK, RA, no. 2, fol. 30r (26 October 1490).
45 Blankert’s business may have been taken on by his daughter Else after his death or retirement (see below). Her house is referred to as �In de Sleutel’ in GAK, RA, no. 10, fol. 139r (4 February 1523).
46 GAK, RA, no. 1, p. 95 (1458).
47 Blankert’s name cannot be found in the Burgerboek (GAK, Oud Archief (hereafter OA), no. 232), in which new burghers were recorded. This may be because he was registered under a different name, that is to say as the son of his father rather than under his uncommon last name, or because he did not become a burgher until after 1469 when the extant register finishes. He is specifically referred to as a burgher on a number of occasions, for example, LT, fol. 31r (1483), fol. 40r (1484). In Amsterdam, publicans had to be �poorters’; Hell, Amsterdamse herberg, p. 29.
48 Rijnvis may also have been his brother-in-law, but this would mean that Gise’s sister was also called Else, like his wife and his daughter. His daughter appears to have been widowed in 1483 and could have remarried in 1484. Rijnvis as Blankert’s �swager’: LT, fol. 36r (1484); Rijnvis as Else Blanckert’s husband: GAK, RA, no. 75, fol. 245v (16 April 1488); inheritance of Else Blankert’s [late] husband: GAK, RA, no. 76, fol. 75r (19 June 1483).
49 GAK, OA, no. 275.
50 LT, fol. 94r (1487).
51 GAK, RA, no. 2, fol. 15v (24 July 1484).
52 GAK, RA, no. 75, fol. 198v (27 April 1485); LT, fol. 124v (6 January 1488).
53 Hermesdorf, De herberg, pp. 30–6. See also Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order, pp. 41–3 and Kümin, Drinking Matters, pp. 58–62. For literature suggesting that publicans were not respectable, see Tlusty, Bacchus and Civic Order, pp. 8–9. Nonetheless, establishments with bad reputations existed in most places; see for example the houses being accused of holding a â€?bad inn’ (â€?kwade herberg’) in Kampen; for example, GAK, RA, no. 1, p. 79 (1448), and in Amsterdam: Hell, Amsterdamse herberg, pp. 39–49. See also the government’s sense of anxiety concerning drinking houses as potential spaces of lewd business, political discord and sexual deviance in Protestant Southampton in the seventeenth century. Brown, â€?Drinking houses and the politics of surveillance’, p. 65.
54 Greve, Hansische Kaufleute, p. 73.
55 LT, fol. 20v (1482).
56 LT, fol. 4v (c. 1482/3); fol. 21r (1483).
57 GAK, RA, no. 1, p. 121 (1474).
58 GAK, RA, no. 1, p. 378 (1 June 1474); SR, fol. 21v (1474), fol. 29r (1475), fol. 38v (1476).
59 GAK, RA, no, 2, fol. 37r (1493). She also appears in a list of fines in 1490 and as landlady in 1493 and 1497; GAK, OA, no. 402, fol. 183r (1490); GAK, RA, no. 2, fol. 37r (1493); GAK, RA, no. 1, p. 150 (1497).
60 LT, fol. 31r (1483).
61 LT, fol. 95v (1487).
62 LT, fol. 98r (1487).
63 Cf. the role of publicans in Bruges, Greve, Hansische Kaufleute, pp. 70–8.
64 I have come across 18 different names so far in the various fifteenth-century registers of Kampen.
65 LT, fol. 41v (1484).
66 LT, fol. 41v (1484).
67 LT, fol. 42r (26 October 1484).
68 LT, fol. 190v (1491).
69 LT, fol. 89v (23 April 1487).
70 LT, fol. 188v (1491).
71 McSheffrey, �Place, space and situation’, pp. 963, 983.
72 Peyer, Gastfreundschaft, pp. 221–2.
73 GAK, OA, no. 242, fols 17r-17v (1470).
74 GAK, OA, no. 5, no. LXIIII, fol. 27r (1446?); LXXIX, fol. 30r (1360?). Published in Overijsselsche Stad-, Dijk- en Markeregten.
75 Peyer, Gastfreundschaft, pp. 222–3; Hell, Amsterdamse herberg, p. 36.
76 GAK, OA, no. 242, fol. 34v (1483).
77 Tlusty, �Das Wirtshaus in der deutschen Stadt’, p. 67.
78 C. Burroughs, �Spaces of arbitration and the organization of space in late medieval Italian cities’, in B.A. Hanawalt and M. Kobialka (eds) Medieval Practices of Space, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000, pp. 64–100, at p. 65.
79 Reyerson, �Rituals in medieval business’, p. 102.
80 W. Hepburn and G. Small, �Common books in Aberdeen, c. 1398–c. 1511’, pp. 48–50. For notarial documents and ritual, see also Reyerson, �Ritual in medieval business’, pp. 81–103.
81 The God’s penny is mentioned six times in the Aberdeen council registers: ARO-4-0116-01 (1437); ARO-4-0498-03 (1447); ARO-6-0889-04 (1484); ARO-6-0890-02 (1484); ARO-7-0204-06 (1490); and ARO-8-0930-01 (1509).
82 Cf. Political and religious meetings in private houses in the early modern period which were considered suspect; Tlusty, �Das Wirtshaus in der deutschen Stadt’, p. 60.
83 McSheffrey, �Place, space and situation’, p. 975.
84 LT, fol. 42v (1484).