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Constituting Religion: Islam, Liberal Rights, and the Malaysian State, Tamir Moustafa

We read Moustafa's article on legal consciousness (Chapter 4), which is an earlier publication based on the same project as his book. In the article and the book, Moustafa studied court decisions, but his research went far beyond the verdicts of Malaysia's apex courts.

As we can see from his description of the fieldwork, Moustafa collected and analyzed newspaper reports, as well as conducted one-on-one interviews, focus groups, and a nationwide survey.

Fieldwork for the project was conducted in the summer and fall of 2009, in the fall of 2010, and over several subsequent stretches between 2012 and 2015. A total of 170 semi-structured interviews were conducted, seventy with lawyers, judges, activists, politicians, and journalists, and an additional 100 with “everyday Malaysians.” Findings also rest on an extensive textual analysis of court decisions and press coverage of prominent cases. I examined the full universe of cases where there was a question of jurisdiction between the civil courts and the shariah courts. A context-rich, process-tracing method was adopted to map the development of legal institutions over time, as well as the flow of individual cases through the courts. This two-level (institutional and case-specific) process-tracing approach facilitated careful consideration of the continuities and critical junctures where legal/institutional change pro­duced new patterns of contention inside and outside the courts. I examined the full life cycle of each case, from its first appearance in court through to the public spectacle that emerged around certain of those cases. I considered the origin of each case and the legal logics invoked, as civil court judges navigated complex entanglements and contending claims concerning shariah court jurisdiction. Next, I noted whether cases became subjects of popular debate. For those cases that did gain political salience, I examined how they came into the public spotlight.

I then studied the contending frames of understanding that were crafted for consumption in the court of public opinion. Here, I examined the public statements issued by non-governmental organizations, political parties, and various state officials (including the religious establish­ment) to understand the role of different actors in the construction of a rights- versus-rites binary. With the assistance of a research team, I also compared press coverage of select court cases across Malaysia's diverse media landscape, from the Malay-language newspapers Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian, and Harakah, to the Tamil-language papers Makkal Osai and Malaysia Nanban, to the Chinese-language Sin Chew, and the English-language press. This comparison suggested the extent to which Malaysia's segmented ethnolinguistic media environment further refracts competing frames of understanding across variously situated communities. Finally, I circled back to examine the extent to which these frames differed from the logics that were at work in court. Studying the full life cycle of these disputes provided an empirically grounded examination of how the rights-versus-rites binary is continually inscribed in the Malaysian public imagination.

Elite-level interviews enabled a deeper understanding of the various pos­itions and strategies of civil society organizations, which had mobilized around controversial cases, both inside and outside formal legal intuitions. I was mindful of the need to seek out views from across the political and ideological spectrum to consider the full range of thinking about the cases and the controversies they produced. I therefore interviewed lawyers litigating on opposite sides of the same cases, as well as activists from the most prominent liberal rights and conservative NGOs who had staked out opposite sides of public lobbying efforts. (The absence of a middle ground was striking, and it speaks to the ways that judicial institutions frame a binary logic that is hard to escape.) I found it relatively easy to empathize with the views and positions of liberal rights lawyers and activists, as their frames of understanding aligned closely with my own.

Yet I was cognizant that a better understanding of the concerns, anxieties, and aims of conservative groups and their audiences is essential for a deeper appreciation of the legal entanglements and their polarizing effects on popular legal consciousness. Many of the lawyers, activ­ists, and journalists whom I interviewed became key sources of information. The lawyers among them provided access to case files and legal briefs. Repeated discussions with all key actors helped to round out my understand­ing of important cases and controversies beyond what was available through official court records and press archives.

To assess the radiating effect of courts on popular legal consciousness, I organized a multiethnic research team to conduct semi-structured interviews with “everyday Malaysians.” The aim of these informal interviews was to study popular understandings of court cases and legal controversies. I was interested in assessing whether popular understandings of prominent cases matched the legal logics that are deployed in court, or if they matched the frames that political activists constructed for media consumption. I supplemented these semi-structured interviews with several structured focus groups and a nationwide, stratified survey of popular understandings of the Islamic legal tradition. [...]

The national telephone survey was nationwide in scope. It used appropriate sampling techniques to ensure that respondents represented the composition of the Muslim community in Malaysia across relevant demographic variables including region, sex, and urban-rural cleavages. Execution of the telephone survey, including the sampling of respondents, was conducted by the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research, the leading public survey research group in Malaysia. The sampling population was drawn from the national telephone directory, which comprises all households with fixed-line telephones. In stage one of the sampling, a random number generator was used to produce a sample of three million fixed-line phone numbers from the national directory.

The resulting list was then checked to ensure that it was proportional to the number of Muslim residents in each state per 2006 Malaysian census figures. In stage two, a randomly generated respondent telephone list was prepared, comprising five times the desired sample size of one thousand respondents. In step three, interval sampling was applied to the respondent telephone list. One respondent was contacted in each household on December 9-13, 2009. Respondents were balanced to ensure an equal number of males and females. The random stratified sample of 1,043 Malaysian Muslims ensures a max­imum error margin of 3.03 percent at a 95 percent confidence level. [...]

Four focus group sessions were organized on July 14, 20, and 21, 2013 in Petaling Jaya. Each focus group lasted approximately 1.5 hours and drew participants from across metropolitan Kuala Lumpur. The first focus group was composed of Malay participants with a Malay facilitator; the second group was made up of ethnic Indian Malaysians with an ethnic Indian facilitator; the third group had ethnic Chinese Malaysians with an ethnic Chinese moder­ator; the final focus group was ethnically mixed, with both ethnic Malay and ethnic Chinese facilitators. The focus group questions were designed by the author and executed with the assistance of the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research, which provided organization and assistance.

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Source: Chua Lynette J., Engel David M.. The Asian Law and Society Reader. Cambridge University Press,2023. — 795 p.. 2023

More on the topic Constituting Religion: Islam, Liberal Rights, and the Malaysian State, Tamir Moustafa:

  1. REFERENCES
  2. Chua Lynette J., Engel David M.. The Asian Law and Society Reader. Cambridge University Press,2023. — 795 p., 2023