4. The Legacy of Discriminatory Agricultural Policy
Almost all farmers are old (66% 55 or older; 83% 45 or older), white (95%) men (76%) who live in rural areas.42 But while the popular press and general political conversation tends to conflate these farmers with the entire rural community, in fact there are many other farm constituencies.
Farmworkers, non-white and female farmers, and the many millions of non-farmworkers who live near farms are all critical parts of rural communities. Whereas farm owners enjoy federal subsidy payments and tax exemptions, these other groups largely do not. And while farm owners benefit from the exemption for farms from most environmental, antitrust, child labor, overtime, workplace safety, minimum wage, bankruptcy, motor carrier, and animal welfare laws, these other rural constituencies are often harmed by these same exemptions. As a result of these differences, these other constituencies have proven to be more open to changes to agricultural policy.This stark contrast in attitudes among different rural groups is in part the result of a long and consistent history of farm policy that has favored white landowning farmers over others. The first Civil War Congress in 1861 created USDA, passed the Morrill Act—which provided funding for a nationwide system of colleges for “the Benefit of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts”—and enacted the Homestead Act. The federal government eventually granted 246 million acres to 1.5 million families through the Homestead Act and its successors.43 Effectively closed off to most Blacks and other minorities, homesteading gave European immigrants and other white families an opportunity to acquire considerable property and assets.44
In the first decades of the 1900s, Congress expanded the land-grant university system and federal funding for agricultural research, extension, and education. The New Deal increased assistance for large-scale, capital-intensive farms through an array of ambitious new subsidies and federal credit, crop insurance, and technical assistance programs.
The New Deal coalition that passed these new farm laws was heavily reliant on Jim Crow legislators. These legislators killed programs for and research on small farmers and sharecroppers, and ensured federal funds remained under “local control,” by which they meant white landowners. These same
23
legislators also excluded domestic workers and farmworkers, the two most common occupations for Black people, from key statutory benefits and labor protections.45 (Congress extended minimum wage requirements to farmworkers—with some important exceptions—in 1966, but federal law still denies farmworkers the right to unionize or earn overtime pay.) This political alliance of big money agriculture and white supremacy enacted policies that pushed hundreds of thousands of Black tenants and sharecroppers off the farm and into cities, in what one historian called one of the “largest government-impelled population movements in all our history.”46
More on the topic 4. The Legacy of Discriminatory Agricultural Policy:
- To implement sound policy and pursue effective legal strategies, decisionmakers and advocates must become familiar with the climate-friendly agricultural practices that constitute carbon farming.1
- Congress’ expressed purpose for supporting agricultural research and extension is not only to increase the productivity of agriculture,7 but also to “[maintain and enhance] the natural resource base on which rural America and the United States agricultural economy depend.”8
- PLINY HAS COME IN FOR A LEGACY
- A legacy (legatum) was a particular form of testamentary disposition whereby the testator left one or more specific objects to some person who was not one of his heirs.
- Legacy
- Koschaker’s legacy
- Divided Sovereignty in US Federalism and Its Legacy
- The Blumenberg Legacy: Why Some Stories Survive and Others Are Forgotten
- 11.i The legacy of Justinian's codification in the 'Dark Ages'
- B. Tax Policy
- 8. Trade Policy
- Elite governance at the sub-sectoral level: the case of policy networks
- DCAF as Policy Myth
- 3. State-Level Agricultural Greenhouse Gas Emissions